被預言的謀殺（4）

在瓜地馬拉，卡斯特雷薩納法官感覺自己就像個囚徒。5月12日，該國山雨欲來風滿樓時，這位51歲的調查員還被孤立在CICIG總部內，這是首都一處用圍牆隔離的別墅，曾充作美國海軍陸戰隊的總部。基於安全考慮，不許卡斯特雷薩納單獨外出購買慣抽的香煙，也不許他探訪鄰近那些街道，它們的名字叫人難以忘懷——煉獄街、悲傷街、遺忘街。他隨裝甲車隊出行，身邊跟著的是由國外招來的保鏢，這樣可以減少卧底的可能。卡斯特雷薩納首抵瓜地馬拉領導CICIG時，他把妻子和兩個年幼的小孩都留在了老家，自己在市中心租了一套公寓，但他的安保主管，一位西班牙國民警衛隊的老兵警告說，他已是暗殺的目標，因而他只好搬進了自己辦公室樓上的一個房間。卡斯特雷薩納有時感覺自己就像個「冒牌貨」：這個他實施政治調查的地方，他幾乎什麼也看不到。他對我說，「我了無生趣。」

A bold and, at times, vainglorious man, Castresana treated boredom as if it were a contagion. In 1998, he was working as a special prosecutor against corruption in Madrid when, in a bout of restlessness, he drafted an indictment against General Augusto Pinochet, the Chilean strongman, for the murder of thousands of his countrymen, which, to the astonishment of the world, led to Pinochet』s arrest, in England. Though Pinochet was eventually released, it marked the first time in history that a onetime head of state had been detained on the principle of universal jurisdiction. In 2007, Castresana, after serving in a U.N. mission investigating the unsolved murders of hundreds of women in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, came to Guatemala—like a 「parachutist,」 as he puts it. A letter to the editor in El Periódico said, 「Welcome, Mr. Castresana, your presence in the country is proof that our institutions simply don』t work.」
　　卡斯特雷薩納勇敢無畏，偶爾甚至有些自負，他視無聊乏味為一種傳染病。1998年，在馬德里擔任反腐敗特別檢察官時，他不甘無所作為，針對智利政治強人奧古斯托·皮洛切特（Augusto Pinochet）將軍起草了一份起訴書，控告他殺害了數千國人，令世界震驚的是，這使皮洛切特在英國鋃鐺入獄。雖說皮洛切特最終被釋放，但這是歷史上首次國家前元首依據普遍管轄權的原則而被拘押。2007年，他在一個聯合國使團任職，該使團負責調查墨西哥華雷斯數百名女性被害懸案，之後他來到了瓜地馬拉，用他自己的話說，是「空降到這兒的」。一封給《El Periódico》編輯的信這麼寫道，「歡迎到此，卡斯特雷薩納先生，你在這個國家出現，證明了我們的政府機構完全失效。」
Castresana, who had the look of an aging student radical, with wavy brown hair and glasses with small round lenses, was not a typical diplomat. One of his friends, with a mixture of admiration and despair, describes him as a 「loose cannon.」 Castresana often compared the criminals he investigated to characters from literature, and he seemed to conceive of himself as an Arthurian knight swept up in one heroic battle after another. He spoke incessantly about a 「code of honor,」 and often clashed with his counterparts at the U.N. He told a former Guatemalan Foreign Minister, 「I don』t plan to be another U.N. bureaucrat.」
　　外表看去，卡斯特雷薩納像一位年長的激進學者，波浪形棕發，小圓鏡片的眼鏡，不見典型外交官的樣子。他的一位朋友半是欽佩半是絕望地形容他為「我行我素者」。卡斯特雷薩納常將自己所調查的罪犯與文學作品中的人物作比較，他似乎將自己想象為亞瑟王的騎士，在一場接一場的英勇戰鬥中橫掃無敵。他口上總掛著「榮譽準則」，與聯合國的同僚衝突頻頻。他對瓜地馬拉前外交部長說，「我不想成為又一位聯合國官僚。」

In 2008, in its first big case, CICIG charged a chief homicide prosecutor with obstructing justice and tampering with evidence. 「We thought, as proud international investigators, we were very good at what we did,」 Castresana recalled. 「But, when you come to a country with such extended levels of corruption, it doesn』t matter if you have built a good case. So when we brought the case against the prosecutor it was a complete failure. He came triumphantly to the court and he was released.」 Castresana realized that he could not bring criminals to justice before he had removed at least some of the most corrupt officials. As Castresana later told the press, 「Guatemala』s institutions must be purged from the inside—they need an exorcism.」
　　2008年，CICIG迎來了第一件大案子，它指控一名首席兇案檢察官妨礙司法公正並竄改證據。「我們以為，作為驕傲的國際調查員，我們對自己所從事的極為擅長，」卡斯特雷薩納回憶道。「但是，當你置身一個腐敗蔓延如此之廣的國度，你立了一件好案子其實是無關痛癢的。結果我們對該名檢察官的立案是一次徹頭徹尾的失敗。他大搖大擺地出庭，然後就被釋放了。」卡斯特雷薩納認識到，至少要先將一些最腐敗的官員清除出去，他才能將罪犯繩之以法。正如卡斯特雷薩納後來對媒體所言，「瓜地馬拉的政府機構必須從內部進行清理——他們需要一場驅魔大法。」

Castresana seized upon a rule in CICIG』S charter that permitted the organization to petition local officials to punish unethical officials. Through this process, his team began to remove more than fifteen hundred corrupt police officers, including fifty police commissioners and the deputy director of the national police. CICIG also 「invited」 nearly a dozen prominent prosecutors to leave their posts, and had a magistrate in Guatemala City banished to the hinterlands. 「My team told me not to—that I would put everyone in the judiciary against us,」 Castresana recalled. 「I said, 『No, all the judiciary is already against us. If the judges know that they can say no to CICIG, then it is our death.』 」 In the summer of 2008, he even asked President Colom to fire his Attorney General, whom CICIG accused of impeding justice. Though Colom found Castresana 「very demanding,」 according to a U.S. diplomatic cable obtained by Wikileaks, he granted the request.
　　在CICIG的憲章里，卡斯特雷薩納抓住了一條規則，這條規則允許該組織請求當地政府懲處道德淪喪的官員。藉助這一程序，他的團隊著手清除了1500多名腐敗警官，包括50名警局長官和國家警察部隊的副司令。CICIG還把十來個重要檢察官「請」離了崗位，把一名瓜地馬拉城的地方法官放逐到窮鄉僻壤。「我的團隊叫我別這麼做——這會讓所有司法人員都與我們對立。」卡斯特雷薩納回憶道。「我說，『不，所有司法人員已經在與我們作對。如果法官知道他們能對CICIG說不，那就是我們的死期了。』」2008年夏，他甚至請求科羅姆總統罷免總檢察長，CICIG控告其妨礙司法公正。儘管科羅姆發現卡斯特雷薩納「異常苛刻」（據一份維基泄密獲得的美國外交電報稱），他還是准予了這項請求。

Part prosecutor, part politician, part lobbyist, Castresana also pushed through Congress several laws strengthening the judicial system. They included establishing a viable witness-protection program, setting up a framework for legal wiretapping, and making it possible for prosecutors to arrange plea bargains for suspects who provide evidence against a criminal network.
　　卡斯特雷薩納既當檢察官，又當政治家，還當遊說者，他促成國會出台了若干法律來加強司法體系建設。這包括建立可實施的證人保護程序，設立合法竊聽的法律框架，以及允許檢察官與提供反犯罪網路證據的嫌犯進行訴訟交易。
A former deputy minister told me that Castresana had become like General Douglas MacArthur in Japan, after the Second World War. A columnist later said that Castresana was treated as 「the voice of God.」 Nevertheless, CICIG had been fully operational for barely a year when Rosenberg was killed, and the case threatened some of the country』s most untouchable figures. A newspaper columnist observed, 「The odds that the investigation will be successful . . . are slim to none. Like the Battle of Waterloo, where Napoleon was defeated, Castresana faces the prospect, in Guatemala, of the first great failure of his international career.」
　　一位前任副部長對我說，卡斯特雷薩納如同二戰後居於日本的麥克阿瑟將軍。一位專欄作家後來說，卡斯特雷薩納被看作「上帝之聲」。不管怎樣，羅森博格被害時，CICIG完全運轉僅有一年，而這件案子威脅到該國一些最不可觸動的人物。一位報紙專欄作家評論道，「調查成功的幾率……微乎其微。猶如拿破崙鎩羽而歸的滑鐵盧之戰，卡斯特雷薩納在瓜地馬拉很可能會遭遇他國際事業上第一次慘重失敗。」

Castresana told a reporter that the Rosenberg case was 「like a John Grisham novel, but it』s real.」 Before formally launching an investigation, he went to visit President Colom. With his security detail, Castresana passed by the protesters in the Central Plaza, and slipped through a side entrance into the palace. Despite its grandeur, the building had a ghostly quality, with its dark, musty rooms, creaking doors, and gossamer curtains that fluttered aimlessly. Castresana found Colom in his office, his bony wrists and neck poking out of his suit.
　　卡斯特雷薩納對一名記者說，羅森博格案像「一本約翰·格里沙姆（John Grisham）的小說，但這是真實的。」在正式開展調查之前，他前去拜訪了科羅姆總統。在保鏢簇擁下，卡斯特雷薩納穿過中心廣場的抗議人群，從國宮側門悄然而入。這幢建築除了富麗堂皇以外，還有如鬼域，黑暗陳腐的居室，嘎吱作響的房門，薄紗窗帘漫無方向地飄動。卡斯特雷薩納在科羅姆辦公室發現了他，只見他瘦削的手腕和脖子從衣服里伸了出來。

Castresana told the President, 「To take the case, I need complete independence.」 Colom, who spoke so softly that Castresana had to lean forward to hear him, promised not to interfere. But Castresana could not know if he was sincere or if the First Lady, Sandra de Colom, would abide by the President』s wishes. In the palace, the First Lady was nicknamed 「the bulldozer,」 for the way that she flattened aides and even the President. A leading human-rights official told the St. Petersburg Times that Sandra de Colom was considered 「malignant and malevolent,」 and 「the head of a parallel power.」 (To circumvent the Constitution, which bars the relatives of a President from succeeding him, the Coloms recently filed for divorce, in the hope that she can run in an election, in September.)
　　卡斯特雷薩納對總統說，「接這件案子，我需要絕對的獨立。」科羅姆說話很是輕柔，卡斯特雷薩納不得不傾著身子來聽，科羅姆承諾不會幹預調查。但卡斯特雷薩納不知道這是不是真話，也不知道第一夫人桑德拉·科羅姆是否也會遵守總統的命令。在國宮內，第一夫人綽號「推土機」，這緣於他擺布助手乃至總統的方式。一位首席人權官員告知《聖彼得堡時報》，人們認為桑德拉·科羅姆是「邪惡而狠毒的」，而且是「另一併行國度的首腦」。（瓜地馬拉憲法不許總統親屬繼任總統，為了設法規避這項限制，科羅姆夫婦近期申請離婚，希望這樣她能參加9月份的大選。）

That same day, Castresana met with Rosenberg』s son Eduardo. He looked like a younger, more dashing version of his father. He had graduated first in his class from law school, and since the killings he had become a partner at Rosenberg』s law firm, moving into his father』s old office. Castresana vowed to him, 「I give you my word that, if we have to, we will bring down the President and impeach him.」
　　同一天，卡斯特雷薩納會見了羅森博格的兒子愛德華多。他就是其父親更年輕更具活力的翻版。他以班上頭名從法律學校畢業，兇案發生后，他已經成為羅森博格法律事務所的合伙人，並搬進了他父親原來的辦公室。卡斯特雷薩納向他發誓，「我答應你，若有必要，我們會扳倒總統，我們會彈劾他。」
Back at his office at CICIG, Castresana gathered a dozen or so of his top investigators. He suspected that there was at least one mole inside CICIG, and worried about leaks; his office was swept each morning and night for bugs, and he used a white-noise machine when discussing delicate matters. He told his agents, 「This is the most important case of this commission.」
　　回到CICIG的辦公室，卡斯特雷薩納召集了手下十餘名頂級調查員。他懷疑CICIG內部至少有一名間諜，也擔心泄密；因而他辦公室每天早上和晚上都會清查竊聽器，在討論敏感問題時還會使用白噪音機器。他對手下密探說，「這是我們委員會最重要的案子。」

A linguistic expert from the National Institute of Forensic Sciences, in Guatemala City, was asked to authenticate the Rosenberg video, analyzing every sound and slur. In a report, the expert said that she could not determine whether Rosenberg had made the video under external pressure (as President Colom had suggested). But the expert concluded that Rosenberg appeared 「sincere」 and 「rational.」
　　他要求瓜地馬拉城司法鑒定科學研究所的一位語言專家驗證羅森博格錄像的真偽，分析每一聲音片段。在一份報告里，專家表示，她無法確定羅森博格是否在外界壓力下錄製了這段錄像（像總統科羅姆暗示的那樣）。但該專家下結論說，羅森博格的表現「既真實又合理」。

A team of CICIG agents scoured the Rosenberg crime scene for clues. Curiously, Rosenberg』s body had fallen backward, onto the curb, and his bicycle had fallen away from him, onto the road. Near the body, in the dirt beside the road, was a series of deep gashes; they appeared to have been made by the tires of a car.
　　一組CICIG密探仔細搜索了羅森博格的犯罪現場，找到了一些線索。令人不解的是，羅森博格的屍體是向後倒的，倒向路邊，而他的自行車則倒向另一邊，倒向路中。在屍體旁，路邊的泥地上，有一串深深的裂縫，像是汽車輪胎所軋。

One day, while CICIG agents were canvassing the neighborhood, they detected an unmarked vehicle following their car; a passenger was taking photographs of them. Weeks later, agents were meeting with a potential witness, in the lobby of a hotel outside Guatemala City, when swarms of police officers suddenly descended, trying to seize the witness. Fearing that the witness might be tortured and 「disappeared,」 CICIG agents fled with him into one of the hotel』s rooms. As they prepared for a gun battle, a CICIG agent shouted to the police, 「You will have to kill us all!」 Meanwhile, Castresana phoned the head of the national police and Vice-President Espada, commanding them to order the police to back off. The police eventually withdrew, and CICIG was able to process the witness. After all that, the man had no reliable information—but somebody had clearly been terrified that he did.
　　一天，當CICIG密探詳細調查周圍社區時，他們發現有一輛沒有標誌的車子尾隨他們的汽車；車上一名乘客正對他們拍照。幾周之後，在瓜地馬拉城一家賓館的大廳里，密探正會見一位潛在證人，這時大批警察突然降臨，試圖逮捕這名證人。由於害怕證人遭到拷問乃至「失蹤」，CICIG密探與他一同逃進賓館一間房子里。他們準備進行一場槍戰，一名CICIG密探向警察大喊，「除非你們把我們全殺了！」與此同時，卡斯特雷薩納致電國家警察部隊司令和副總統埃斯帕達，命令他們要警察退出。警察最終撤退了，CICIG才得以傳喚這名證人。儘管這人並沒有可靠情報，但有人顯然對他的行為感到懼怕。

Castresana and his team, still lacking a key witness, confiscated all the relevant security tapes from buildings near the crime scene. Images caught on multiple cameras revealed that the moment Rosenberg left on his bicycle, at 8:05 A.M., a coffin-black sports car with tinted windows and a racing spoiler began shadowing him. The fact that the hit men were in position from the start of the bicycle ride—an activity that was not a regular part of Rosenberg』s Sunday routine—suggested that a person with inside knowledge had tipped them off. The vehicle』s license plate was not visible, but the car was a Mazda 6, and there were only fifty such models registered in Guatemala. And the one at the crime scene, digital enhancements revealed, had, in addition to the spoiler, distinctive red-rimmed tires and a sticker on the lid of the gas tank. After an intensive three-week search, investigators identified the car as belonging to a thirty-three-year-old man named Willian Gilberto Santos Divas, who lived outside Guatemala City. Records showed that, on the morning Rosenberg was killed, Santos』s cell phone was making and receiving a flurry of calls—all in the area of the shooting. 「He was there,」 Castresana said.
　　卡斯特雷薩納與他的團隊仍然缺少一名關鍵證人，他們從犯罪現場附近建築里調用了所有相關的監控錄像。多個攝像頭捕捉的圖像顯示，羅森博格騎自行車出門的時間是上午8:05，一輛帶棕色車窗和賽車尾翼的黑色跑車開始跟蹤他。事實表明，殺手從羅森博格出發就已在待命了，而騎車這項活動並非羅森博格周日的常規行程，這意味著有知曉內情的人通風報信。汽車的牌照看不見，但車子是馬自達6，瓜地馬拉僅有50輛這種型號的車子註冊在案。對數字圖像進行增強后發現，現場的那一輛除了有尾翼之外，還有獨特的紅邊輪胎和郵箱蓋上的標籤。經過三周細緻徹底的排查，調查員證實這輛車屬於33歲男子威廉·吉爾伯托·桑托斯·迪瓦斯（Willian Gilberto Santos Divas），他住在瓜地馬拉城外。記錄顯示，羅森博格遇害那天早上，桑托斯的手機打出和接到了好些電話——所有電話都來自槍擊地區。「他就在那兒，」卡斯特雷薩納斷定。
　　桑托斯檔案里的其他細節也引起了卡斯特雷薩納的注意。桑托斯以前是國家警察部隊成員。卡斯特雷薩納確信CICIG已經發現了一場陰謀的首個標誌。

　　在科羅姆總統的作戰室，謀略家羅伯托·伊蘇列塔也自認找到了一名政府成員稱為「精心編織之陰謀」的線索。伊蘇列塔始終認為科羅姆不可能是穆薩父女和羅森博格謀殺案的幕後元兇，而這些謀殺一定是推翻政府的陰謀之一。只是對不明就裡的人而言，這一想法是偏狹的。正如唐·德里羅（Don DeLillo）所寫，「陰謀包含了日常生活里沒有的一切事情。陰謀是內部遊戲，冷酷、穩健、不受干擾，永遠拒我們於外。我們生而不足，生而無知，孜孜以求一些日常競爭的粗略常識。而陰謀者的邏輯和膽量都是我們所不及的。陰謀無一不是緊張刺激的故事，這些陰謀者從一些犯罪行為中找到了連貫性。」自危機爆發以來，伊蘇列塔已經瘦了10磅，他違背了不用咖啡因的禁令，他自己承認，這讓他「如電擊一般」——相信最終會將陰謀者從瓜地馬拉政壇黑幕下拖出來。
　　比如，調查者發現有人承認拍攝了羅森博格證詞錄像。此人名叫馬里奧·戴維·加西亞（Mario David Garcia），是個長著卷鬍鬚的矮胖男子。他是一名極右翼記者，也是前總統候選人，他被認為參與了多項反政府密謀。1980年代末，政府指控他為陰謀集團「高山軍官」的成員，該組織策劃過兩次失敗的政變。加西亞深知圖像的力量：他曾擔任電視節目製作人，煽動過陰謀叛亂。被指控策劃這些政變的另一人物不是別人，正是路易斯·蒙迪扎巴爾。兩人均否認參與了密謀。

　　伊蘇列塔想知道，加西亞與蒙迪扎巴爾捲入製造和分發羅森博格錄像是否只是個巧合，如一名記者所言，他們「參與陰謀的記錄可是令人印象深刻」。加西亞目前是政治廣播節目《直話直說》的主持人，羅森博格死後，他反覆攻擊政府，激起民憤。關於蒙迪扎巴爾，伊蘇列塔和政府其他成員都懷疑他與科羅姆總統有宿怨，總統曾於2007年雇他擔任安全顧問，后又解僱了他。此外，據CICIG透露，政府有一個油水頗足的項目——製作國民身份證，而蒙迪扎巴爾未能中標。蒙迪扎巴爾否認對此項生意感興趣，但卡斯特雷薩納告訴我，蒙迪扎巴爾確有「報復的動機」。

　　莫非為了公布錄像和推翻政府，加西亞和蒙迪扎巴爾就操縱並殺害了羅森博格？畢竟，蒙迪扎巴爾不但是搜集情報的專家，也是偽造情報的大師。1990年末，他曾是秘密情報機關「小辦公室」的成員。（「小辦公室」得名於蒙迪扎巴爾服裝店樓上的房間。）蒙迪扎巴爾對我堅稱，小辦公室只幫助解決綁架和謀殺。但是，據人權觀察員、政府官員及媒體透露，該機關的目的是蒙蔽公眾——捏造假證據和假證人，以求掩蓋軍方罪行。


　　伊蘇列塔知道，情報人員以前靠散布假情報推翻過一個瓜地馬拉的民選政府。1954年，CIA特工與新型宣傳「科學家」合作，通過製造國內起義的假象，推翻了總統賈科布·阿本茲（Jacobo Árbenz），阿本茲是科羅姆之前最後一位瓜地馬拉左翼領導人。特工設立了一個廣播電台「自由之聲」，本以為該電台廣播自「叢林深處」的叛軍軍營，但實際上是從邁阿密發射的，經常廣播自瓜地馬拉城內的美國大使。通過報道政府污染供水系統和「幽靈部隊」開進首都之類的假新聞，該廣播電台引爆了國民情緒。一名特工將這一陰謀稱之為「彌天大謊」。

     2009年5月，迫於媒體壓力，蒙迪扎巴爾與加西亞承認了他們在製作羅森博格錄像中所扮演的角色。總教區人權辦公室援引自家歷史告誡道，可能有一股邪惡勢力在發揮作用，並指明，暗殺羅森博格帶有瓜地馬拉昔日「虛構情節」的印跡。
　　如果真有一場密謀要推翻政府，那麼下一個問題便是最大的受益者是誰，此人亦應是隱藏其後的發動者。有一人貌似獲得的利益最多，那就是科羅姆長期的政治對手奧托·佩雷斯·莫利納，他是臭名昭著的前任將軍，軍事情報部門頭目，在錄像公布之後，曾要求科羅姆下台。佩雷斯·莫利納還現身加西亞的廣播節目，對科羅姆加以譴責，之前又聲稱他會再度競選總統。

　　如天空中的星座一樣，分散的各點看來可以串成一幅圖畫。隨後，羅森博格被害還不到一個月，科羅姆總統的內政部長，也是第一夫人的心腹通知卡斯特雷薩納，他已經找到了確鑿證據——一名可以揭露整場陰謀的證人。