1978年6月8日 猶太偉人這樣教訓哈佛人

Text of Address by Alexander Solzhenitsyn at Harvard Class Day Afternoon Exercises,

索爾仁尼琴於哈佛畢業典禮的致辭

Thursday, June 8, 1978

1978年6月8日，星期四

譯者：李嘉，林子劼，呂詩暘，馬金馨，毛明超，施娛，袁翀

校對：Cho

以【HFLS閱讀】的名義，獻給人類的良心——索爾仁尼琴

紀念索老逝世一周年

I am sincerely happy to be here with you on this occasion and to become personally acquainted with this old and most prestigious University. My congratulations and very best wishes to all of today』s graduates.

我十分的高興，能在這個場合與你們在一起，並且能親自的接觸到這所古老而享譽盛名的大學。我的祝賀與祝願，送給所有今日的畢業生。

Harvard』s motto is 「Veritas.」 Many of you have already found out and others will find out in the course of their lives that truth eludes us if we do not concentrate with total attention on its pursuit. And even while it eludes us, the illusion still lingers of knowing it and leads to many misunderstandings. Also, truth is seldom pleasant; it is almost invariably bitter. There is some bitterness in my speech today, too. But I want to stress that it comes not from an adversary but from a friend.

哈佛的箴言是「真理」。你們當中的許多人已經發現，而剩下的人也將發現，在生命長河之中，一旦我們沒有全心全意的專註於追求真理，它便會逃離我們而去。甚至，當真理避開之時，幻覺依然游移不去，帶來許多的誤解。並且，真相幾乎從來不是令人愉悅的，而是不變的痛苦。今天在我的演講中，同樣會有一些苦楚。不過我想強調的是，它們不是來自對手，而是來自朋友。

Three years ago in the United States I said certain things which at that time appeared unacceptable. Today, however, many people agree with what I then said…

三年之前，我曾經在美國發表過一些言論，並且在當時顯得不合時宜。然而，今天，許多的人同意了那些我當時所說的話……

A World Split Apart

分裂的世界

The split in today』s world is perceptible even to a hasty glance. Any of our contemporaries readily identifies two world powers, each of them already capable of entirely destroying the other. However, understanding of the split often is limited to this political conception, to the illusion that danger may be abolished through successful diplomatic negotiations or by achieving a balance of armed forces. The truth is that the split is a much profounder and a more alienating one, that the rifts are more than one can see at first glance. This deep manifold split bears the danger of manifold disaster for all of us, in accordance with the ancient truth that a Kingdom — in this case, our Earth — divided against itself cannot stand.

即使是匆忙一瞥，當代世界的分裂也是顯而易見。與我們同時代的任何人，都已經做好了準備，將這世界看成是兩極的力量，每一極都有能力徹底地摧毀對方。然而，對此分裂的理解經常被限制在政治概念的幻想之中，即危險可以通過成功的外交談判來消除，並且達到武力的平衡。而真相是，這分裂的意義實際上更為深遠，那裂縫遠遠超過一瞥所見。這深刻的、多樣的分裂，承載著可能降臨到我們每個人頭上的各種災難的危險。這與古老的真理一致，那就是，一個王國——在這裡，便是我們的地球——一旦內訌，便無法長久。

Contemporary Worlds

當代諸世界

There is the concept of the Third World: thus, we already have three worlds. Undoubtedly, however, the number is even greater; we are just too far away to see. Any ancient deeply rooted autonomous culture, especially if it is spread on a wide part of the earth』s surface, constitutes an autonomous world, full of riddles and surprises to Western thinking. As a minimum, we must include in this category China, India, the Muslim world and Africa, if indeed we accept the approximation of viewing the latter two as compact units. For one thousand years Russia has belonged to such a category, although Western thinking systematically committed the mistake of denying its autonomous character and therefore never understood it, just as today the West does not understand Russia in communist captivity. It may be that in the past years Japan has increasingly become a distant part of the West, I am no judge here; but as to Israel, for instance, it seems to me that it stands apart from the Western world in that its state system is fundamentally linked to religion.

「第三世界」這個概念意味著：我們起碼擁有三個世界。然而毫無疑問，我們擁有的世界還不止三個；只是我們之間相隔太遠，以至無法發現。任何一個深厚而久遠的獨立文明都構成一個獨立的世界，尤其是那些於一片廣闊地域中得到傳播的文明。對西方思維而言，這樣的世界充滿了謎語和驚喜。我們最起碼可以把中國、印度、伊斯蘭世界和非洲——若我們將后兩者都看作緊密的整體——划入這個範疇。在過去的一千年裡，俄羅斯文明也一直是個獨立世界。正如今天的西方並不理解共產主義牢籠中的俄國，它也無法理解俄羅斯文明，因為它一直在系統地否認著俄羅斯文明的獨特性——這樣做是錯誤的。日本已日益躋身西方之列；而以我之見，以色列並不屬於西方，因為從根本上講其國家制度源自於其宗教。

How short a time ago, relatively, the small new European world was easily seizing colonies everywhere, not only without anticipating any real resistance, but also usually despising any possible values in the conquered peoples』 approach to life. On the face of it, it was an overwhelming success, there were no geographic frontiers to it. Western society expanded in a triumph of human independence and power. And all of a sudden in the twentieth century came the discovery of its fragility and friability. We now see that the conquests proved to be short lived and precarious, and this in turn points to defects in the Western view of the world which led to these conquests. Relations with the former colonial world now have turned into their opposite and the Western world often goes to extremes of obsequiousness, but it is difficult yet to estimate the total size of the bill which former colonial countries will present to the West, and it is difficult to predict whether the surrender not only of its last colonies, but of everything it owns will be sufficient for the West to foot the bill.

然而，就在不久之前，新興的歐洲世界還在輕易地掠取著一個又一個殖民地。它地域狹小，卻無所不在；不僅沒有遇到什麼真正的抵抗，並且通常對被征服民族的生活中可能蘊有的價值嗤之以鼻。表面上看，這是壓倒性的勝利，這種勝利沒有地理極限。西方社會在勝利中擴張——這勝利屬於人的獨立與力量。然而一夜之間，但到了二十世紀，這力量的脆弱被發現。現在事實已很清楚，西方的征服只是曇花一現，不能長久；由此又暴露出那種帶來了征服的西方世界觀的缺陷。昨日的殖民關係今天似已顛倒；面對昔日的僕人，西方世界時有走上卑躬屈膝的極端。儘管如此，現在還很難估計往日的殖民地會給西方開出多大的帳單；即便西方放棄它僅剩的幾塊殖民地，甚至放棄它擁有的一切，也未必能抵得上這筆帳。

Convergence

融合

But the blindness of superiority continues in spite of all and upholds the belief that vast regions everywhere on our planet should develop and mature to the level of present day Western systems which in theory are the best and in practice the most attractive. There is this belief that all those other worlds are only being temporarily prevented by wicked governments or by heavy crises or by their own barbarity or incomprehension from taking the way of Western pluralistic democracy and from adopting the Western way of life. Countries are judged on the merit of their progress in this direction. However, it is a conception which developed out of Western incomprehension of the essence of other worlds, out of the mistake of measuring them all with a Western yardstick. The real picture of our planet』s development is quite different.

儘管如此，西方仍然執迷於自己的優越性，並且固執地堅持著這一觀點：世界上任何地方都應當發展成熟而至今日西方體制的樣式；在理論上，西方體制是最優的，而它的實踐結果亦最具吸引力。有人相信，西方以外的各個世界只是一時被耽誤了：罪魁禍首是邪惡的政府、深重的危機、其文明本身的暴虐，或是無法理解所採用的西方多元民主及生活方式的意義。人們以西方的標準來衡量國家的進步。可事實上，恰恰是這個觀念導致西方不能理解其他文明的本質，讓人們陷入了將西方與非西方等量齊觀的錯誤。在這個星球上，發展的真正面目並非如此。

Anguish about our divided world gave birth to the theory of convergence between leading Western countries and the Soviet Union. It is a soothing theory which overlooks the fact that these worlds are not at all developing into similarity; neither one can be transformed into the other without the use of violence. Besides, convergence inevitably means acceptance of the other side』s defects, too, and this is hardly desirable.

人們對當代世界的分裂感到痛苦，因而出現了這樣的安慰性理論：西方大國和蘇聯將走向融合。但這個理論忽視了一個事實：東西方並沒有在發展中趨同；任何一方都不可能和平演變。另外，融合的兩者也必須接受對方的缺陷，而這實實在在是令人生厭的。

If I were today addressing an audience in my country, examining the overall pattern of the world』s rifts I would have concentrated on the East』s calamities. But since my forced exile in the West has now lasted four years and since my audience is a Western one, I think it may be of greater interest to concentrate on certain aspects of the West in our days, such as I see them.

如果我今天身處祖國，那麼在當今世界紛亂的裂痕中我會更關注發生在東方的災難；但我被強力所挾，去國離鄉已有四年，今天又是面對西方的聽眾，或許我對當代西方的一些觀察會更讓你們感興趣。

A Decline in Courage [. . .]

勇氣的衰退

may be the most striking feature which an outside observer notices in the West in our days. The Western world has lost its civil courage, both as a whole and separately, in each country, each government, each political party and of course in the United Nations. Such a decline in courage is particularly noticeable among the ruling groups and the intellectual elite, causing an impression of loss of courage by the entire society. Of course there are many courageous individuals but they have no determining influence on public life. Political and intellectual bureaucrats show depression, passivity and perplexity in their actions and in their statements and even more so in theoretical reflections to explain how realistic, reasonable as well as intellectually and even morally warranted it is to base state policies on weakness and cowardice. And decline in courage is ironically emphasized by occasional explosions of anger and inflexibility on the part of the same bureaucrats when dealing with weak governments and weak countries, not supported by anyone, or with currents which cannot offer any resistance. But they get tongue-tied and paralyzed when they deal with powerful governments and threatening forces, with aggressors and international terrorists.

對一個外部的觀察者而言，勇氣的衰退或許是西方世界最顯著的特徵。不管是作為社會整體還是公民個人，在每一個國家、每一個政府、每一個政黨（更不要說聯合國了）中，西方世界都已喪失其公民勇氣。這種衰落在統治集團和知識精英中表現得尤為明顯，而觀察者很容易以此推及整個社會。當然，尚有很多勇敢之士，但他們在公眾生活中缺乏決定性的影響力。政府官僚與學術官僚在言行中透露出消沉、被動和迷失，在他們高深的理論中則更是如此：他們不斷爭辯將國家政策建立在軟弱和怯懦之上是多麼現實、合理，在理智甚至道德上有多麼充足的依據。當這群官僚面對孤立無援的弱小政府、國家或是弱水潺潺似的潮流時，他們每每爆發出憤怒與頑固；但當他們面對強力的政府和威脅性力量，與侵略者和國際恐怖份子打交道時，他們卻總是張口結舌、癱倒在地。這種對比彷彿就是在重重嘲諷勇氣的衰退。

Should one point out that from ancient times decline in courage has been considered the beginning of the end?

這難道還需要人來提醒嗎？自古而今，勇氣的衰退總被認為是沒落之始。

Well-Being

福祉

When the modern Western States were created, the following principle was proclaimed: governments are meant to serve man, and man lives to be free to pursue happiness. (See, for example, the American Declaration). Now at last during past decades technical and social progress has permitted the realization of such aspirations: the welfare state. Every citizen has been granted the desired freedom and material goods in such quantity and of such quality as to guarantee in theory the achievement of happiness, in the morally inferior sense which has come into being during those same decades. In the process, however, one psychological detail has been overlooked: the constant desire to have still more things and a still better life and the struggle to obtain them imprints many Western faces with worry and even depression, though it is customary to conceal such feelings. Active and tense competition permeates all human thoughts without opening a way to free spiritual development. The individual』s independence from many types of state pressure has been guaranteed; the majority of people have been granted well-being to an extent their fathers and grandfathers could not even dream about; it has become possible to raise young people according to these ideals, leading them to physical splendor, happiness, possession of material goods, money and leisure, to an almost unlimited freedom of enjoyment. So who should now renounce all this, why and for what should one risk one』s precious life in defense of common values, and particularly in such nebulous cases when the security of one』s nation must be defended in a distant country?

當現代西方國家被創建的時候，以下的準則早已被宣告：政府的意義在於為人類服務，而人類為了自由追求幸福而活（比如，可以參照美國《獨立宣言》）。而今，幾十年技術和社會的發展終於成就了如此的夢想：即福利國家的可能。每一個公民都被賦予了渴望已久的自由和物質享受，而這些很大程度上已做到了美輪美奐，從而理論上保證了對幸福的獲得，雖然與此同時，這幾十年來道德水平一直在走下坡路。但在這過程中，一個心理學的細節被忽略了：仍舊保留的對更多東西和更好的生活的持續渴望，和在追逐中的苦苦掙扎在許多西方人身上刻下了苦惱甚至是絕望的印記，儘管人們常常掩飾這樣的心理。活躍且緊張的競爭滲透著所有人類的心靈，卻沒有打開一扇通往自由心靈發展的門。各類來自國家的壓力之外的個人獨立得到了保障；大多數人被賦予的福祉已到了他們父輩和祖父輩無法想象的程度；按照這些理想培養年輕人已成為可能——給他們創造強壯的體魄，快樂，物質擁有，金錢和休閑，甚至是沒有盡頭的自由和享受。那麼現在，在一個國家的安全尚需要通過去一個遙遠的國家防守來實現的荒謬的當今，什麼人會應該與所有的保障斷絕關係，又為什麼要一個人冒著失去寶貴生命的危險，僅僅為了捍衛大眾價值觀？

Even biology knows that habitual extreme safety and well-being are not advantageous for a living organism. Today, well-being in the life of Western society has begun to reveal its pernicious mask.

甚至連生物都知道當極度安逸和福利的生活對一個生命而言變得習以為常的時候，這將不再有利。如今，西方社會生活的福祉那惡意的面紗已經開始被揭開。

Legalistic Life

尊法的生活

Western society has given itself the organization best suited to its purposes, based, I would say, on the letter of the law. The limits of human rights and righteousness are determined by a system of laws; such limits are very broad. People in the West have acquired considerable skill in using, interpreting and manipulating law, even though laws tend to be too complicated for an average person to understand without the help of an expert. Any conflict is solved according to the letter of the law and this is considered to be the supreme solution. If one is right from a legal point of view, nothing more is required, nobody may mention that one could still not be entirely right, and urge self-restraint, a willingness to renounce such legal rights, sacrifice and selfless risk: it would sound simply absurd. One almost never sees voluntary self-restraint. Everybody operates at the extreme limit of those legal frames. An oil company is legally blameless when it purchases an invention of a new type of energy in order to prevent its use. A food product manufacturer is legally blameless when he poisons his produce to make it last longer: after all, people are free not to buy it.

西方社會給它自己創造了最適合它目的的機構，建立在，我認為的，法律文字上。人權與正義的界限被一套法律制度所決定，儘管這些界限太過寬泛。儘管對於一個普通人而言，如果沒有一個專業人士的幫助的話，法律太過複雜而不能被理解，但是西方人們已掌握了相當成熟的對法律使用、解釋、掌控的技術。任何爭執都可以通過法律來解決，並且這被認為是最至高無上的方法。如果一個人從法律角度來看是正確的，則無需更多的解釋，沒有人會提出這個人仍然並非完全正確的可能性，且要求自製；那种放棄法律權利的意願，犧牲和無私的冒險：這聽起來只會是荒謬的。人們幾乎從來都忽略主動的自製。每一個人都在法律框架的極度邊界上生活。石油公司購買一種新能源的發明以防止它的使用，在法律上是無可指責的；食品生產商毒化他的產品以延長保質期同樣也是無可指責的：畢竟，人們有不購買的權利。

I have spent all my life under a communist regime and I will tell you that a society without any objective legal scale is a terrible one indeed. But a society with no other scale but the legal one is not quite worthy of man either. A society which is based on the letter of the law and never reaches any higher is taking very scarce advantage of the high level of human possibilities. The letter of the law is too cold and formal to have a beneficial influence on society. Whenever the tissue of life is woven of legalistic relations, there is an atmosphere of moral mediocrity, paralyzing man』s noblest impulses.

我在社會主義的統治下度過了一生，因此我可以告訴你，一個沒有客觀法律制度的社會的的確確是可怕的，但一個除了法律制度之外沒有任何別的制度的社會也同樣不值得人類生活。一個社會如果只建立在法律文字之上，而不再有更高的夢想，那是對人類崇高可能性的忽視。法律文字太冷漠而且太正式，因此無法為社會帶來有利的影響。一旦生命的薄紗由法律關係織成的，世界就會被平庸道德的氣氛所籠罩，從而麻痹人類最崇高的激情。

And it will be simply impossible to stand through the trials of this threatening century with only the support of a legalistic structure.

如果僅剩法制的支撐，在這個充滿危險的世紀，我們將完全不可能經受住重重考驗。

The Direction of Freedom

自由的方向

In today』s Western society, the inequality has been revealed of freedom for good deeds and freedom for evil deeds. A statesman who wants to achieve something important and highly constructive for his country has to move cautiously and even timidly; there are thousands of hasty and irresponsible critics around him, parliament and the press keep rebuffing him. As he moves ahead, he has to prove that every single step of his is well-founded and absolutely flawless. Actually an outstanding and particularly gifted person who has unusual and unexpected initiatives in mind hardly gets a chance to assert himself; from the very beginning, dozens of traps will be set out for him. Thus mediocrity triumphs with the excuse of restrictions imposed by democracy.

在當今西方社會，不平等已經被披露為求善的自由和求惡的自由。想要有所作為、為國家辦實事的政治家不得不謹慎行事，甚至躡手躡腳。他的周圍有數以千計的感情用事、不付責任的評論家，並長期遭受議會和新聞的冷遇。若要取得進展，他只有證明自己的每一個舉動都經過深思熟慮並天衣無縫。實事上一個傑出的獨具天賦的個人鮮有機會為心中與眾不同、別出心裁的創見爭得主動。至一開始就有很多陷阱等候著他。結果，平庸之輩靠著被民主強加的束縛而獲得勝利。

It is feasible and easy everywhere to undermine administrative power and, in fact, it has been drastically weakened in all Western countries. The defense of individual rights has reached such extremes as to make society as a whole defenseless against certain individuals. It is time, in the West, to defend not so much human rights as human obligations.

行政力的削弱隨處都成為可能，且毫不費力。事實上，所有西方國家的行政力已經被急劇地削弱了。對個體權利的保護已經走向極端，導致社會整體在某些個人面前不堪一擊。是時候讓西方更多地捍衛個人義務而非人權了。

Destructive and irresponsible freedom has been granted boundless space. Society appears to have little defense against the abyss of human decadence, such as, for example, misuse of liberty for moral violence against young people, motion pictures full of pornography, crime and horror. It is considered to be part of freedom and theoretically counter-balanced by the young people』s right not to look or not to accept. Life organized legalistically has thus shown its inability to defend itself against the corrosion of evil.

破壞性的且不負責任的自由已被給予了無限的空間。在人性墮落的深淵前，社會毫無防備。比如濫用對年輕人道德暴力的放任，電影里充斥著色情、犯罪和恐怖。這种放任被當作自由的一部分，而且成為年輕人不去觀看和接受那些元素的選擇權的理論對立面。條文主義式的生活已顯出對抗惡的侵蝕時的無力。

And what shall we say about the dark realm of criminality as such? Legal frames (especially in the United States) are broad enough to encourage not only individual freedom but also certain individual crimes. The culprit can go unpunished or obtain undeserved leniency with the support of thousands of public defenders. When a government starts an earnest fight against terrorism, public opinion immediately accuses it of violating the terrorists』 civil rights. There are many such cases.

法條（尤其在美國）已經寬鬆到不但鼓勵了個體自由，還鼓勵了某一些個體犯罪。對於這片犯罪的黑暗的陰影，我們還有什麼可說？罪犯在眾多公眾保護者的支持下能過逃脫懲罰，獲得不應有的寬恕。當一個政府開始對恐怖主義發起戰鬥，公眾意見立刻指責其侵犯了恐怖主義者的公民權。此種事例還有很多。

Such a tilt of freedom in the direction of evil has come about gradually but it was evidently born primarily out of a humanistic and benevolent concept according to which there is no evil inherent to human nature; the world belongs to mankind and all the defects of life are caused by wrong social systems which must be corrected. Strangely enough, though the best social conditions have been achieved in the West, there still is criminality and there even is considerably more of it than in the pauper and lawless Soviet society. (There is a huge number of prisoners in our camps which are termed criminals, but most of them never committed any crime; they merely tried to defend themselves against a lawless state resorting to means outside of a legal framework).

自由向惡的傾斜已逐漸發生，但這不可避免地主要產生於一種人道主義的仁慈的觀念—-人性本善。世界屬於人類，且所有生活中的瑕疵都是由錯誤的社會系統導致並必將被糾正。實在奇怪，雖然西方已經演化出最優良的社會環境，但仍舊有犯罪上演，甚至數量更甚於貧窮而無法治的蘇聯。（我們國家的囚營中有數量巨大的被押者。他們被稱作罪犯，但他們中大多數從未犯下過任何罪行；他們只是試圖當這個毫無法紀的國家採用法律體系之外的途徑對付自己時作出抵抗）。

The Direction of the Press

新聞的方向

The press too, of course, enjoys the widest freedom. (I shall be using the word press to include all media). But what sort of use does it make of this freedom?

新聞也享有最廣泛的自由．（我將用新聞這個詞來指代所有的媒體）．但新聞把這種自由作何使用呢？

Here again, the main concern is not to infringe the letter of the law. There is no moral responsibility for deformation or disproportion. What sort of responsibility does a journalist have to his readers, or to history? If they have misled public opinion or the government by inaccurate information or wrong conclusions, do we know of any cases of public recognition and rectification of such mistakes by the same journalist or the same newspaper? No, it does not happen, because it would damage sales. A nation may be the victim of such a mistake, but the journalist always gets away with it. One may safely assume that he will start writing the opposite with renewed self-assurance.

同樣，這裡主要的考慮是不違背法律條文．新聞對事實的扭曲和縮放不負有道德責任．一個新聞工作者對讀者或歷史負有何種責任？如果他們通過不實的信息或錯誤的結論誤導了公眾觀點或政府，我們可有過任何公眾識別和矯正這種由同樣的新聞工作者或同樣的報社犯下的錯誤？沒有，這不會發生，因為這會削減銷量．一個民族可能成為這樣的錯誤的受害者，但是新聞工作者總能得以逃脫．我們可以輕鬆地假設，他會重拾自信開始寫出相反的內容．

Because instant and credible information has to be given, it becomes necessary to resort to guesswork, rumors and suppositions to fill in the voids, and none of them will ever be rectified, they will stay on in the readers』 memory. How many hasty, immature, superficial and misleading judgments are expressed every day, confusing readers, without any verification. The press can both simulate public opinion and miseducate it. Thus we may see terrorists heroized, or secret matters, pertaining to one』s nation』s defense, publicly revealed, or we may witness shameless intrusion on the privacy of well-known people under the slogan: 「everyone is entitled to know everything.」 But this is a false slogan, characteristic of a false era: people also have the right not to know, and it is a much more valuable one. The right not to have their divine souls stuffed with gossip, nonsense, vain talk. A person who works and leads a meaningful life does not need this excessive burdening flow of information.

因為必須給出即時和可靠的資訊，有時就需要用臆測、謠言和假設來填滿空白，並且從來得不到矯正，而是存在於讀者的記憶中。每天有多少倉促、不成熟、膚淺和帶誤導性的判斷得以傳播，不經確認而蒙惑讀者。新聞既能刺激公眾意見，也能誤導它。於是我們就看到恐怖主義者被英雄化，或者屬於國家防禦的秘密事件被公開披露，或者我們可能目睹打著」人人都有權了解一切」的口號無恥侵犯名人的隱私。然而這是一個錯誤的口號，錯誤時代的典型：人們同樣有不知情權，而且它更為珍貴。這種權利使人們美好的靈魂免受流言蜚語和高談闊論的騷擾。一種自省的人生不需要過渡信息的羈絆。

Hastiness and superficiality are the psychic disease of the 20th century and more than anywhere else this disease is reflected in the press. In-depth analysis of a problem is anathema to the press. It stops at sensational formulas.

冒失和膚淺是二十世紀的心疾，並在新聞界比其他任何領域都反映得更嚴重。新聞界對問題的深入分析避之不及，卻止於煽情的套話。

Such as it is, however, the press has become the greatest power within the Western countries, more powerful than the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. One would then like to ask: by what law has it been elected and to whom is it responsible? In the communist East a journalist is frankly appointed as a state official. But who has granted Western journalists their power, for how long a time and with what prerogatives?

然而，如其所示，新聞已經成為西方國家內最大的一股力量，超過了立法會和司法官。人們不禁要問：新聞的崛起是依仗什麼法律？它又對誰負責？在共產主義的東方，新聞工作者無非是國家職員罷了。但誰賦予了西方新聞工作者權力，這種權力將維持多久，又是怎樣的特權？

There is yet another surprise for someone coming from the East where the press is rigorously unified: one gradually discovers a common trend of preferences within the Western press as a whole. It is a fashion; there are generally accepted patterns of judgment and there may be common corporate interests, the sum effect being not competition but unification. Enormous freedom exists for the press, but not for the readership because newspapers mostly give enough stress and emphasis to those opinions which do not too openly contradict their own and the general trend.

來自新聞被嚴格統一的東方的記者仍有另一種驚訝：他們發現西方新聞界整體內有一種共同偏好的趨勢。這是一種潮流；新聞界內有普遍接受的判斷模式和共同的利益，其整體效果是聯合而非競爭。新聞有極大的自由，但受眾沒有。因為報紙總是著重強調那些和他們自己的觀點和主流不公然抵觸的觀點。

A Fashion in Thinking

思考的時尚

Without any censorship, in the West fashionable trends of thought and ideas are carefully separated from those which are not fashionable; nothing is forbidden, but what is not fashionable will hardly ever find its way into periodicals or books or be heard in colleges. Legally your researchers are free, but they are conditioned by the fashion of the day. There is no open violence such as in the East; however, a selection dictated by fashion and the need to match mass standards frequently prevent independent-minded people from giving their contribution to public life. There is a dangerous tendency to form a herd, shutting off successful development. I have received letters in America from highly intelligent persons, maybe a teacher in a faraway small college who could do much for the renewal and salvation of his country, but his country cannot hear him because the media are not interested in him. This gives birth to strong mass prejudices, blindness, which is most dangerous in our dynamic era. There is, for instance, a self-deluding interpretation of the contemporary world situation. It works as a sort of petrified armor around people』s minds. Human voices from 17 countries of Eastern Europe and Eastern Asia cannot pierce it. It will only be broken by the pitiless crowbar of events.

沒有審查制度，西方的主流思潮被小心地和非主流分離。沒有什麼被禁，但是不合主流的思想鮮有機會得以在期刊上發表、出版成書或在大學內流通。法律上你的研究是自由的，但也受到時潮的制約。西方沒有東方式公然暴力，但思潮的篩選和趨眾的需求時常阻礙獨立思考的人們把他們的貢獻融入公眾生活。有一種集群的危險趨勢，消減了成功的發展。我已收到一些來自美國的高度智慧的人的來信，也許是某個偏遠小學院的教師。假若不是因為媒體對他們不感興趣而導致他們的聲音無法在國內傳播，他們可能為國家的復興和拯救做出更多。這引發了強烈的大眾偏見、盲目，在我們這個飛速發展的時代非常危險。比如說有一些對當代世界時局自我欺騙式的闡釋。它彷彿僵化的外殼籠罩著人們的思維。東歐和東亞十七個國家的聲音都無法洞穿它。只有時局發生重大震蕩才能擊破它。

I have mentioned a few trends of Western life which surprise and shock a new arrival to this world. The purpose and scope of this speech will not allow me to continue such a review, to look into the influence of these Western characteristics on important aspects on [the] nation』s life, such as elementary education, advanced education in [?…]

我已提及了一些西方生活的潮流給初登西方世界大門的訪者帶來的驚奇與震動。本次講演的目的和範圍無法允許我繼續這樣的評述—-西方特徵對國民生活重要方面的影響。比如在初等教育、高等教育．．．

Socialism

社會主義

It is almost universally recognized that the West shows all the world a way to successful economic development, even though in the past years it has been strongly disturbed by chaotic inflation. However, many people living in the West are dissatisfied with their own society. They despise it or accuse it of not being up to the level of maturity attained by mankind. A number of such critics turn to socialism, which is a false and dangerous current.

儘管在過去幾年西方世界受困於嚴重的通貨膨脹，但其經濟發展道路依然是全球公認的典範。然而，西方民眾對於他們的社會（狀況）並不滿意。他們非難甚至鄙視這個未能達到人類自身成熟水平的社會。於是，許多執此觀點的批評家轉而投向了社會主義，而這樣的趨勢是相當錯誤和危險的。

I hope that no one present will suspect me of offering my personal criticism of the Western system to present socialism as an alternative. Having experienced applied socialism in a country where the alternative has been realized, I certainly will not speak for it. The well-known Soviet mathematician Shafarevich, a member of the Soviet Academy of Science, has written a brilliant book under the title Socialism; it is a profound analysis showing that socialism of any type and shade leads to a total destruction of the human spirit and to a leveling of mankind into death. Shafarevich』s book was published in France almost two years ago and so far no one has been found to refute it. It will shortly be published in English in the United States.

但願在座的各位不要懷疑我對西方體制提出個人批評的動機，這斷不是為了讓社會主義取而代之。這種取代曾在我的國家變為現實，親身經歷之後，我絕不會為社會主義說話。著名數學家、俄科學院院士伊戈爾?沙法列維奇先生曾著有《社會主義》一書。該書深刻的分析指出：任何性質、任何程度的社會主義都將導致人性的徹底毀滅甚至人類的滅亡。這本好書兩年前在法國出版，迄今為止沒有任何人對其觀點提出異議。此書不久也將在英美面世。

Not a Model

並非模範

But should someone ask me whether I would indicate the West such as it is today as a model to my country, frankly I would have to answer negatively. No, I could not recommend your society in its present state as an ideal for the transformation of ours. Through intense suffering our country has now achieved a spiritual development of such intensity that the Western system in its present state of spiritual exhaustion does not look attractive. Even those characteristics of your life which I have just mentioned are extremely saddening.

但若要問我當今西方能否成為蘇聯的範式，我必須誠懇地做出否定。不，我不能把眼下你們的社會當作理想模型推薦給祖國的轉型。深哀巨痛之後，我的國家所企及的精神高度使得西方世界變得不再誘人。精神資源的枯竭，甚至令那些你們生活中曾經鮮明的特點（包括我前面提到過的）逐漸褪色。

A fact which cannot be disputed is the weakening of human beings in the West while in the East they are becoming firmer and stronger. Six decades for our people and three decades for the people of Eastern Europe; during that time we have been through a spiritual training far in advance of Western experience. Life』s complexity and mortal weight have produced stronger, deeper and more interesting characters than those produced by standardized Western well-being. Therefore if our society were to be transformed into yours, it would mean an improvement in certain aspects, but also a change for the worse on some particularly significant scores. It is true, no doubt, that a society cannot remain in an abyss of lawlessness, as is the case in our country. But it is also demeaning for it to elect such mechanical legalistic smoothness as you have. After the suffering of decades of violence and oppression, the human soul longs for things higher, warmer and purer than those offered by today』s mass living habits, introduced by the revolting invasion of publicity, by TV stupor and by intolerable music.

人性在西方衰落的同時，在東方的紮根和崛起已是不爭的事實。我們曾經經受了遠遠高於西方的精神鍛造，對於東歐人民，它長達三十年，而對於蘇聯人民——六十年。相較於標準的西方式福祉，生命的複雜和沉重在我們身上烙下了更強烈、更深刻也更值得玩味的民族性格。正因為如此，一旦我們的社會轉型為你們的模式，那雖然意味著一些方面的進步，但更意味著在更重要的領域中衰落。誠然，毫無疑問，一個社會不能像我們的國家那樣陷落於無法治的深淵。但我國若建立起像你們一樣機械尊法的穩定社會，那便無異於自取其辱。經受長久的暴力和壓迫之後，人的靈魂有了更高級、更熱烈、更純潔的追求。這種追求超越了現今普遍宣揚的生活方式，並不是對公共性令人作嘔的侵入、進行精神催眠的電視節目和不堪的音樂所能夠滿足的。

All this is visible to observers from all the worlds of our planet. The Western way of life is less and less likely to become the leading model.

對這個星球上任何角落的觀察家，這一點都顯而易見：西方的生活方式越來越不可能成為世界的榜樣。

There are meaningful warnings that history gives a threatened or perishing society. Such are, for instance, the decadence of art, or a lack of great statesmen. There are open and evident warnings, too. The center of your democracy and of your culture is left without electric power for a few hours only, and all of a sudden crowds of American citizens start looting and creating havoc. The smooth surface film must be very thin, then, the social system quite unstable and unhealthy.

歷史給予將要衰退或瀕臨滅亡的社會一些意味深長的暗示，藝術的頹敗和傑出政治家的稀缺便是個中例證。當然，昭然若揭的警告也同時存在。只要失去電力短短几個小時間，你們的文明和民主的核心將不復存在，美國公民便將在轉瞬之間淪為強盜，並製造驚人的破壞。這意味著社會的表面光鮮然而不堪一擊，社會體制事實上十分不穩定且不健康。

But the fight for our planet, physical and spiritual, a fight of cosmic proportions, is not a vague matter of the future; it has already started. The forces of Evil have begun their decisive offensive, you can feel their pressure, and yet your screens and publications are full of prescribed smiles and raised glasses. What is the joy about?

然而一場為了這個世界的戰爭，一場物質上和精神上的大戰，並非對未來的臆測 。它，已經打響。邪惡勢力的全面進攻早已展開，你能感覺到他們的壓力，但你的電視屏幕和報刊雜誌里仍然充斥著程式化的微笑和高舉的酒杯。這愉悅從何而來?

Shortsightedness

鼠目寸光

Very well known representatives of your society, such as George Kennan, say: we cannot apply moral criteria to politics. Thus we mix good and evil, right and wrong and make space for the absolute triumph of absolute Evil in the world. On the contrary, only moral criteria can help the West against communism』s well planned world strategy. There are no other criteria. Practical or occasional considerations of any kind will inevitably be swept away by strategy. After a certain level of the problem has been reached, legalistic thinking induces paralysis; it prevents one from seeing the size and meaning of events.

許多從你們這個社會湧現出的知名人物，例如喬治-凱南(譯者按：George Kennan 美國政治學家，在1946年任駐蘇聯代辦時向美國政府提出」遏制」政策)，說：我們不能把道德準則運用到政治上。於是我們混淆了正與邪，對與錯，同時為這個世界上徹頭徹尾的邪惡勢力之最終勝利開道。而與之相反的是，只有堅守道德準則才能幫助西方世界對抗共產主義縝密的世界戰略，舍此無它。任何現實的或偶然的想法都會不可避免地被戰略所取代。而當這個問題上升到一定程度之後，循規蹈矩的想法催生麻痹；而它使人無法認識到任何事件的大小與意義。

In spite of the abundance of information, or maybe because of it, the West has difficulties in understanding reality such as it is. There have been naive predictions by some American experts who believed that Angola would become the Soviet Union』s Vietnam or that Cuban expeditions in Africa would best be stopped by special U.S. courtesy to Cuba. Kennan』s advice to his own country — to begin unilateral disarmament — belongs to the same category. If you only knew how the youngest of the Moscow Old Square [1] officials laugh at your political wizards! As to Fidel Castro, he frankly scorns the United States, sending his troops to distant adventures from his country right next to yours.

儘管有著充足的信息（又或許正是因為這樣），西方世界很難正確地理解現實。部分美國專家會提出一些極幼稚的揣測：例如認為安哥拉會成為蘇聯的越南；或者阻止古巴在非洲的遠征軍的最好辦法是特別殷勤地向古巴示好。凱南對他自己國家的建議—-開始單方面裁軍—-也是一樣。多麼希望你們知道克里姆林宮裡那些最年輕的官員是如何嘲笑你們的政治奇才的！就像菲德爾-卡斯特羅—-他肆無忌憚地蔑視美國，把軍隊從你們國家的眼皮底下派遣去遠征。

However, the most cruel mistake occurred with the failure to understand the Vietnam war. Some people sincerely wanted all wars to stop just as soon as possible; others believed that there should be room for national, or communist, self-determination in Vietnam, or in Cambodia, as we see today with particular clarity. But members of the U.S. anti-war movement wound up being involved in the betrayal of Far Eastern nations, in a genocide and in the suffering today imposed on 30 million people there. Do those convinced pacifists hear the moans coming from there? Do they understand their responsibility today? Or do they prefer not to hear? The American Intelligentsia lost its [nerve] and as a consequence thereof danger has come much closer to the United States. But there is no awareness of this. Your shortsighted politicians who signed the hasty Vietnam capitulation seemingly gave America a carefree breathing pause; however, a hundredfold Vietnam now looms over you. That small Vietnam had been a warning and an occasion to mobilize the nation』s courage. But if a full-fledged America suffered a real defeat from a small communist half-country, how can the West hope to stand firm in the future?

但是，最殘酷的錯誤隨著對越戰的誤解產生了。有些人渴望所有的戰爭都能儘快停止；另一些人認為越南或柬埔寨理應有空間實現民族自決（或者共產黨自決），正如我們今天特別清晰地看見的那樣。但是在一場種族屠殺中、一場置三千萬人於痛苦的運動中，美國反戰組織的成員們卻漸漸開始背叛那些遠東國家。聽到那兒傳來的哭喊了嗎，那些狂熱的和平主義者們？他們意識到自己今天的責任了嗎？或者他們寧願不聽？美國的知識階層喪失了勇氣，導致危險進一步逼近美國。但是沒有人意識到這一點。你們那些短視的政治家，草草地在越南簽下停戰協議書，似乎給美國帶來了一刻的無憂無慮；但是現在，一個百倍于越南的陰影正逼近你們。小小的越南已經成為一個警告和一個讓這個國家鼓起勇氣的機會。但是如果羽翼豐滿的美國在共產黨控制著的半個越南承受了徹底的失敗，西方世界又如何寄望在未來屹立不倒？

I have had occasion already to say that in the 20th century democracy has not won any major war without help and protection from a powerful continental ally whose philosophy and ideology it did not question. In World War II against Hitler, instead of winning that war with its own forces, which would certainly have been sufficient, Western democracy grew and cultivated another enemy who would prove worse and more powerful yet, as Hitler never had so many resources and so many people, nor did he offer any attractive ideas, or have such a large number of supporters in the West — a potential fifth column — as the Soviet Union. At present, some Western voices already have spoken of obtaining protection from a third power against aggression in the next world conflict, if there is one; in this case the shield would be China. But I would not wish such an outcome to any country in the world. First of all, it is again a doomed alliance with Evil; also, it would grant the United States a respite, but when at a later date China with its billion people would turn around armed with American weapons, America itself would fall prey to a genocide similar to the one perpetrated in Cambodia in our days.

我在許多場合都可以說，民主國家在20世紀還沒有獨自贏得任何重要的勝利；它總要依賴歐陸強有力的盟友,並從未質疑其哲學和意識形態。在二戰對抗希特勒中，西方世界的力量顯然足以擊敗希特勒。但他們沒有選擇這樣做，而是為他們自己培養了另外一個敵人。目前看來，這是一個更可怕、更強大的敵人，因為希特勒從來沒有像蘇聯一樣有如此多的資源和人口，充滿誘惑力的意識形態，以及如此眾多來自西方世界的支持者—-他們很可能成為一支新的第五縱隊（譯者按：Fifth column 意指內奸或叛徒。出自西班牙內戰）。

現下西方已經有些聲音要求從第三個權力中心獲得保護以對抗下一次全球衝突（如果有下一次的話）；這麼說來，這面盾牌就是中國。但是無論是哪個國家，我都不希望這種向中國尋求保護的結果會發生。首先，這註定又是一次與邪惡的聯盟；另外，雖然這會給美國暫時的安全感，但隨後當全幅美式武器裝備的中國以及它的十餘億人民一起調轉槍口對準美國，美國自己就會成為一次大屠殺的犧牲品，就像柬埔寨一樣。

Loss of Willpower

意志的喪失

And yet — no weapons, no matter how powerful, can help the West until it overcomes its loss of willpower. In a state of psychological weakness, weapons become a burden for the capitulating side. To defend oneself, one must also be ready to die; there is little such readiness in a society raised in the cult of material well-being. Nothing is left, then, but concessions, attempts to gain time and betrayal. Thus at the shameful Belgrade conference free Western diplomats in their weakness surrendered the line where enslaved members of Helsinki Watchgroups are sacrificing their lives.

並且—-無論多麼強大的武器都不能幫助西方世界，除非它能克服自身意志力的喪失。一旦心理上軟弱，武器就會成為失勢一方的負擔。自我保護就必須有赴死的準備；而在物質條件優越的環境中成長起來的社會內卻極少有此種犧牲的準備。什麼都不剩了，只有讓步、爭取時間以及背叛。於是在恥辱的貝爾格萊德會議中，自由西方的外交官們軟弱地放棄了他們的底線，這條底線是身陷囹圄的赫爾辛基觀察團的成員們即使犧牲也要堅守的。

Western thinking has become conservative: the world situation should stay as it is at any cost, there should be no changes. This debilitating dream of a status quo is the symptom of a society which has come to the end of its development. But one must be blind in order not to see that oceans no longer belong to the West, while land under its domination keeps shrinking. The two so-called world wars (they were by far not on a world scale, not yet) have meant internal self-destruction of the small, progressive West which has thus prepared its own end. The next war (which does not have to be an atomic one and I do not believe it will) may well bury Western civilization forever.

西方的思想正在變得保守：無論代價多大，世界局勢必須像現在這樣保持下去，不應該有任何變化。對維持現狀的幻想令士氣低靡，但這是一個社會發展將至盡頭的徵兆。只有瞎了的人才不會看見那些海洋已經不屬於西方，而受西方支配的土地正在縮水。兩場所謂的」世界大戰」（它們目前看來還算不上世界範圍）意味著小而進步著的歐洲從內部自我毀滅，進而成為自己的掘墓人。下一場戰爭（不一定非得是核戰爭，我自己就不相信會有核大戰[就不相信非核戰不可]）很有可能把歐洲文明永遠埋葬。

Facing such a danger, with such historical values in your past, at such a high level of realization of freedom and apparently of devotion to freedom, how is it possible to lose to such an extent the will to defend oneself?

你們的歷史如此有價值，你們對自由的認識如此之高，並且顯然對其投入如此之深，在面對這樣巨大的危險時怎麼可能喪失自我保護的意志力到如此嚴重的程度？

Humanism and Its Consequences

人本主義及其諸後果

How has this unfavorable relation of forces come about? How did the West decline from its triumphal march to its present sickness? Have there been fatal turns and losses of direction in its development? It does not seem so. The West kept advancing socially in accordance with its proclaimed intentions, with the help of brilliant technological progress. And all of a sudden it found itself in its present state of weakness.

這些力量之間令人不快的關係是怎樣出現的？西方世界如何從曾經的勝利前行衰落到如今的病態？它的發展中是否有過致命的轉折點和方向的迷失呢？事情看起來並不如此。西方社會在科技進步的幫助下一直在前行著，向著它曾經向全世界宣告的意圖。然後突然之間它發現自己在現今這樣一種病態之中。

This means that the mistake must be at the root, at the very basis of human thinking in the past centuries. I refer to the prevailing Western view of the world which was first born during the Renaissance and found its political expression from the period of the Enlightenment. It became the basis for government and social science and could be defined as rationalistic humanism or humanistic autonomy: the proclaimed and enforced autonomy of man from any higher force above him. It could also be called anthropocentricity, with man seen as the center of everything that exists.

The turn introduced by the Renaissance evidently was inevitable historically. The Middle Ages had come to a natural end by exhaustion, becoming an intolerable despotic repression of man』s physical nature in favor of the spiritual one. Then, however, we turned our backs upon the Spirit and embraced all that is material with excessive and unwarranted zeal. This new way of thinking, which had imposed on us its guidance, did not admit the existence of intrinsic evil in man nor did it see any higher task than the attainment of happiness on earth. It based modern Western civilization on the dangerous trend to worship man and his material needs. Everything beyond physical well-being and accumulation of material goods, all other human requirements and characteristics of a subtler and higher nature, were left outside the area of attention of state and social systems, as if human life did not have any superior sense.That provided access for evil, of which in our days there is a free and constant flow. Merely freedom does not in the least solve all the problems of human life and it even adds a number of new ones.

這意味著，問題深及根部，在前幾個世紀人類思考的最底層。我指的是當今盛行的西方對世界的看法,它最初誕生於文藝復興時,自啟蒙運動以降登上政治舞台。被宣告和保障的，相對於任何高於個人的力量的個體自治，它成了政府和社會科學的基石,可被稱為理性主義的人本主義,或人本主義式的人類自治權,宣稱並強調該權天授。這也可以被稱為人類中心說，把人看作是現存萬物的中心。從歷史的角度來看,文藝復興導入的這一轉向顯然不可避免。中世紀壽終正寢,成了一種無可忍受的專制，被認為存天理、滅人慾（譯者按：原譯對中世紀的評價有失公允，講者並未稱中世紀本身專制，而是意指其氣數已盡，故顯得專制)。但是在那之後，我們背身離開精神追求，繼而以一種過度且無來由的熱忱，擁抱物質的一切。這種新的思維，把它的指引強加在我們身上，也不承認除汲汲以求在世的幸福外還有更高的追求。它將現代西方文明奠基於這一危險的傾向，即對人及其物質需求的頂禮膜拜。對於超越肉體康健和物質財富積累的事，人那一切更細膩更崇高的要求和特點，國家和社會均視若無睹，彷彿人的生活不存在任何更脫俗的維度。這就為邪惡大開方便之門,在我們這個時代,它已暢通無阻、屢見不鮮。僅僅自由絕不能解決所有關於人類生活的問題，反而會帶來許多新的麻煩。

However, in early democracies, as in American democracy at the time of its birth, all individual human rights were granted because man is God』s creature. That is, freedom was given to the individual conditionally, in the assumption of his constant religious responsibility. Such was the heritage of the preceding thousand years. Two hundred or even fifty years ago, it would have seemed quite impossible, in America, that an individual could be granted boundless freedom simply for the satisfaction of his instincts or whims. Subsequently, however, all such limitations were discarded everywhere in the West; a total liberation occurred from the moral heritage of Christian centuries with their great reserves of mercy and sacrifice. State systems were becoming increasingly and totally materialistic. The West ended up by truly enforcing human rights, sometimes even excessively, but man』s sense of responsibility to God and society grew dimmer and dimmer. In the past decades, the legalistically selfish aspect of Western approach and thinking has reached its final dimension and the world wound up in a harsh spiritual crisis and a political impasse. All the glorified technological achievements of Progress, including the conquest of outer space, do not redeem the Twentieth century』s moral poverty which no one could imagine even as late as in the Nineteenth Century.

但是，在一些早期的民主體制下，比如在剛誕生時的美國民主，所有個人人權的賦予是因為人是上帝的創造物。也就是說，自由是在個人會履行他的宗教責任的前提下有條件地賦予個人的。這是之前一千多年的傳承。在兩百年甚至五十年前的美國，一個人並不是很可能僅僅因為他的直覺或者一時的興緻被滿足，而被授予了沒有限制的自由。然而隨後，在西方所有人權上的限制都被拋棄了；人類徹底自由了，不再受縛於基督教時代的道德遺產，不再受縛於那些時代海量儲備的慈悲和犧牲的觀念。國家體制愈加物質至上，被徹底地物質化了。西方社會最終真正地，有時甚至過度地，保障了人權，但是人們對於上帝和社會的責任感卻越來越淡漠。在過去的幾十年裡，西方思維里那種唯法式的錙銖必較和自私已經達到了極致，並且給這個世界帶來了一場精神危機和政治僵局。所有那些受到追捧的技術成果，它們頭頂啟蒙運動的進步光環，包括對於外太空的征服，都無法挽回２０世紀的道德破產。這種道德赤貧甚至晚至１９世紀都無人能夠想象。

An Unexpected Kinship

意料之外的血緣

As humanism in its development became more and more materialistic, it made itself increasingly accessible to speculation and manipulation at first by socialism and then by communism. So that Karl Marx was able to say in 1844 that 「communism is naturalized humanism.」

當人本主義在它發展中變得愈加物質的同時，它也使自己更加得容易被，首先是社會主義，之後是共產主義 ，投機利用和玩弄，所以在1844年，卡爾?馬克思可以說共產主義是自然化的人本主義。

This statement turned out not to be entirely senseless. One does see the same stones in the foundations of a despiritualized humanism and of any type of socialism: endless materialism; freedom from religion and religious responsibility, which under communist regimes reach the stage of anti-religious dictatorship; concentration on social structures with a seemingly scientific approach. (This is typical of the Enlightenment in the Eighteenth Century and of Marxism). Not by coincidence all of communism』s meaningless pledges and oaths are about Man, with a capital M, and his earthly happiness. At first glance it seems an ugly parallel: common traits in the thinking and way of life of today』s West and today』s East? But such is the logic of materialistic development.

這個論斷後來被證明並非是完全不合情理的。你可以在世俗化的人文主義或者任何種類的社會主義的基座中看到相同的石頭：無窮盡的物質主義；自由於宗教以及宗教責任，這種自由在共產主義政權之下發展到了反宗教獨裁；注意力以一種看似科學的方法集中在社會架構上（這是18世紀的啟蒙運動和馬克思主義都有的特徵）。果不其然，所有共產主義的無意義誓言和口號都是關於人的，這個帶著一個大寫M的人（人類的英文單詞為man）和人的俗世幸福。初次看，這樣的平行顯得有些醜陋：現今的西方和東方社會在思考和生活方式中有著共同的特點。但是這就是物質主義發展的邏輯。

The interrelationship is such, too, that the current of materialism which is most to the left always ends up by being stronger, more attractive and victorious, because it is more consistent. Humanism without its Christian heritage cannot resist such competition. We watch this process in the past centuries and especially in the past decades, on a world scale as the situation becomes increasingly dramatic. Liberalism was inevitably displaced by radicalism, radicalism had to surrender to socialism and socialism could never resist communism. The communist regime in the East could stand and grow due to the enthusiastic support from an enormous number of Western intellectuals who felt a kinship and refused to see communism』s crimes. When they no longer could do so, they tried to justify them. In our Eastern countries, communism has suffered a complete ideological defeat; it is zero and less than zero. But Western intellectuals still look at it with interest and with empathy, and this is precisely what makes it so immensely difficult for the West to withstand the East.

人文主義和物質主義的之間的關係也是如此，極左的物質主義潮流常常以變得更強大，更有吸引力和贏取更大的勝利為結局，因為它更始終如一。缺少基督教傳承的人文主義不能抵擋這樣的競爭。在過去的幾個世紀，特別是過去的幾十年中，我們目睹這過程的發生；而情況正變得更加有戲劇性，它已蔓延到了世界範圍。自由主義不可避免地被激進主義所取代，激進主義必須降伏於社會主義而社會主義卻無法阻擋共產主義的到來。東方的共產主義政權之所以能夠維繫並發展，是因為西方有許多知識分子給予熱情的支持，他們感覺和共產主義者們有一種血緣關係並且對共產主義的罪行視而不見。當他們無法再這麼做時，他們選擇去為共產主義辯護。在我們的東歐國家裡，共產主義遭受了一場徹底的意識形態上的失敗；其結果是零甚至低於零。但是西方的知識分子們依舊饒有興趣並帶著同情地觀望，這就使西方社會抵擋東方社會變得極其困難。

Before the Turn

轉折以先

I am not examining here the case of a world war disaster and the changes which it would produce in society. As long as we wake up every morning under a peaceful sun, we have to lead an everyday life. There is a disaster, however, which has already been under way for quite some time. I am referring to the calamity of a despiritualized and irreligious humanistic consciousness.

在這裡，我並不是在審視這種發生世界大戰災難的情況，以及它所可能帶來的社會變化。只要我們在每天清晨在寧靜的太陽下醒來，我們就必須去過我們的日常生活。但是一場災難已經持續了許久，這災難就是世俗化的和非宗教的人文主義意識。

To such consciousness, man is the touchstone in judging and evaluating everything on earth. Imperfect man, who is never free of pride, self-interest, envy, vanity, and dozens of other defects. We are now experiencing the consequences of mistakes which had not been noticed at the beginning of the journey. On the way from the Renaissance to our days we have enriched our experience, but we have lost the concept of a Supreme Complete Entity which used to restrain our passions and our irresponsibility. We have placed too much hope in political and social reforms, only to find out that we were being deprived of our most precious possession: our spiritual life. In the East, it is destroyed by the dealings and machinations of the ruling party. In the West, commercial interests tend to suffocate it. This is the real crisis. The split in the world is less terrible than the similarity of the disease plaguing its main sections.

在這樣的意識看來，人是判斷和評價地球上所有事物的標準。不完美的人類，他從來沒有從驕傲，自私，嫉妒，虛榮以及許許多多其他的不完美中解脫出來。我們現在正在經歷著錯誤的結果，這些錯誤在路途的開始時就沒有被注意。從文藝復興一直到我們現今的時代，我們豐富了自己的經歷，卻失去了至高完整實體的概念，這個概念曾經約束著我們的激情和不負責任。我們在政治和社會改革中投入了太多的希望，卻發現我們被剝奪了最珍貴的財產：我們的精神生活。在東方，它被執政黨的交易和陰謀所摧毀。在西方，商業利益正要使它窒息。這是一場真正的危機。這個世界的主要地區正被相似的疾病所折磨，這比世界的分裂更可怕。

If humanism were right in declaring that man is born to be happy, he would not be born to die. Since his body is doomed to die, his task on earth evidently must be of a more spiritual nature. It cannot unrestrained enjoyment of everyday life. It cannot be the search for the best ways to obtain material goods and then cheerfully get the most out of them. It has to be the fulfillment of a permanent, earnest duty so that one』s life journey may become an experience of moral growth, so that one may leave life a better human being than one started it. It is imperative to review the table of widespread human values. Its present incorrectness is astounding. It is not possible that assessment of the President』s performance be reduced to the question of how much money one makes or of unlimited availability of gasoline. Only voluntary, inspired self-restraint can raise man above the world stream of materialism.

It would be retrogression to attach oneself today to the ossified formulas of the Enlightenment. Social dogmatism leaves us completely helpless in front of the trials of our times.

人文主義宣稱人的出生是為了快樂，如果這是對的，那麼他出生就不會死去；既然他的軀體註定會死，人生在世顯然就有更為屬靈的追求．它不可能是放縱地享受每天的生活。它不可能是先尋找獲得物質財富最佳途徑，繼而歡樂地最大程度地利用。它必須是對一種永久而真誠的任務的履行，這讓一個人的生命旅程有可能變得是一場道德成長的經歷，這讓一個人在離開自己的生命時能比他開始的時候成為一個更好的人。對普遍的人類價值觀進行一番檢討勢在必行。這些價值觀在現今的錯誤使人震驚。對一個總統表現的評測不可能簡化到一個人可以賺多少錢或者石油是否可以無限量供應。只有自願的，有創見的自我控制能夠使人超越這物慾橫流的世界。把如今的自己歸屬於啟蒙運動的僵化公式是一種倒退。在我們的時代的審判前，社會教條主義讓我們完全無助。

Even if we are spared destruction by war, our lives will have to change if we want to save life from self-destruction. We cannot avoid revising the fundamental definitions of human life and human society. Is it true that man is above everything? Is there no Superior Spirit above him? Is it right that man』s life and society』s activities have to be determined by material expansion in the first place? Is it permissible to promote such expansion to the detriment of our spiritual integrity?

即使我們逃過了戰爭的破壞，我們的生活還是需要通過改變來避免自我毀滅。我們不可避免地要修改關於人類生活和人類社會的的基礎定義。人真的高於一切嗎?真的沒有更高級的神靈高於他嗎？人類的生活和社會活動是否一定要在一開始就被物質擴張所決定了呢？讓這種（物質）擴張來損壞我們的精神正直，這是否是被允許的呢？

If the world has not come to its end, it has approached a major turn in history, equal in importance to the turn from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance. It will exact from us a spiritual upsurge, we shall have to rise to a new height of vision, to a new level of life where our physical nature will not be cursed as in the Middle Ages, but, even more importantly, our spiritual being will not be trampled upon as in the Modern era.

This ascension will be similar to climbing onto the next anthropologic stage. No one on earth has any other way left but — upward.

假如這個世界還未到盡頭，那它就已經到達了一個歷史的大轉折點，這個轉折點的重要性相當於中世紀到文藝復興的轉折。這將迫使我們進行一次靈性的飛升，我們必須把視野提高到一個新的高度，我們必須去到一個新的生活層次，在這個層次上我們呢的生理天性不會像在中世紀那樣被咒罵，但是更重要的是，我們的精神生命不會像在這摩登時代一樣遭受踐踏。

這個上升類似於爬到一個新的人類學階段。人無他路可走，除卻——向上。

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Source: Texts of Famous Speeches at Harvard

來源：哈佛著名演說文本

Re-formatted in HTML by The Augustine Club at Columbia University, 1997

格式重組：哥倫比亞大學，奧古斯丁俱樂部，augustine@columbia.edu

譯者簡介：

所有譯者來自【HFLS閱讀】小組，為杭州外國語學校畢業生自組的網路讀書小組。

李嘉：杭外08屆畢業生，就讀於香港大學政治學與法學專業

林子劼：杭外07屆畢業生，就讀於新加坡南洋理工大學EEE專業

呂詩暘：杭外08屆畢業生，就讀於美國哥倫比亞大學

馬金馨：杭外05屆畢業生，就讀於香港大學新聞學專業

毛明超：杭外08屆畢業生，就讀於北京大學德語與哲學專業

施娛：杭外08屆畢業生，就讀於北京大學法語與經濟學專業

袁翀：杭外06屆畢業生，就讀於美國Saint Louis University哲學專業