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一百年前的毛澤東:願做個無根的流浪者

作者:change?  於 2024-12-17 00:15 發表於 最熱鬧的華人社交網路--貝殼村

通用分類:詩詞書畫|已有1評論




一百年前的毛澤東:願做個無根的流浪者

揮手告別,我踏上旅途。
我們彼此凄涼的眼神讓事情變得更糟,
再一次強調了我們的苦澀。
你的眉眼裡流露出怨恨,
你強忍著想要流下的熱淚。
我知道你誤解了我們過去的交流;
我們眼前飄過的是雲霧,
儘管我們以為沒有人比你我更了解彼此。
當人們感到如此痛苦時,
上天知道嗎?

今天黎明,東門路上結了厚厚的霜,
一輪殘月和半邊天空倒映在我們那片池塘里——
都回蕩著我們的凄涼。
火車的汽笛聲直刺我的心。
從今以後,我將孤身一人。
我求你斬斷這些糾結的感情。
我自己願意做一個無根的流浪者,
不再與情人的私語有任何關係。
山嶽就要崩塌。
雲朵在天空中飛舞。


人們不禁會問,這是真的么? 確實是真的。不過他的原話要文雅奧妙得多,是1923年底填的詞《賀新郎》:


賀新郎

作者: 毛澤東

 
  揮手從茲去。更那堪、凄然相向,苦情重訴。眼角眉梢都似恨,熱淚欲零還住。知誤會前翻書語。過眼滔滔雲共霧,算人間知己吾與汝。人有病,天知否?

 今朝霜重東門路,照橫塘、半天殘月,凄清如許。汽笛一聲腸已斷,從此天涯孤旅。憑割斷愁思恨縷。我自欲為江海客,更不為昵昵兒女語。山欲墮,雲橫翥。
 
  【背景】一九二三年四月,湖南省長趙恆惕下令通緝「過激派」毛澤東。毛離開長沙去武漢,轉上海,然後赴廣州參加六月的中共三大,直至一九二四年秋才回湖南開展農民運動。這首詞是與妻子楊開慧分別時所作。

  【揮手從茲去】引自李白《送友人》「揮手自茲去,蕭蕭班馬鳴」。
  【熱淚欲零】零,零落。
  【人有病,天知否】原為「重感慨,淚如雨」。
        【東門路】古詩詞中指離別之路,也指鬥爭之路。這裡又雙關通往長沙東門之小吳門火車站的道路。
  【橫塘】「橫塘」在古詩中常指女子居住之處。如崔顥《長干行》「君家何處住,妾住在橫塘。停船暫借問,或恐是同鄉」。此指湖南長沙小吳門外清水塘。一九二一年冬至一九二三年四月,毛澤東租了清水塘邊一所茅屋作為家住兼作中共湘區委員會會址,舊址現為紀念館。
  【憑割斷】請割斷。
  【翥】奮飛。最後兩韻原為「我自欲為江海客,更不為昵昵兒女語。山欲墮,雲橫翥」。1970年代毛去世前整理改為 「要似崑崙崩絕壁,又恰像颱風掃環宇。重比翼,和雲翥。」

開始的現代體是從號稱美國的中國歷史司馬遷的偉大學者史景遷所著《MAO ZEDONG》(不像他的絕大多數著作此書無中文版)的英譯做的中譯。

Waving farewell, i set off on my journey. 
The desolate glances we give each other make things worse,
Yet again emphasizing our bitter feelings.
Eyes and brows reflect your tension, 
As you hold back hot tears that seek to flow.
I know you misunderstood our past exchanges; 
What drifts before our eyes are clouds fog,
Even though we thought none knew each other as well as you and I.
When people feel such pain,
Does heaven know?

At dawn today, thick frost in the way to East Gate,
A fading moon and half the sky reflected in our patch of pond---
Both echo our desolation.
The sound of the  train's whistle cuts straight through me.
From this time on I'll be everywhere alone.
I'm begging you to sever these tangled ties of emotion.
I myself would like to be a rootless wanderer,
And have nothing more to with lovers' whispers.
The mountains are about to tumble down.
Clouds dash across the sky. 

史景遷大師在此書第五章《工農》中記述了毛澤東從事的工作及對與楊開慧關係的影響在這首詩中的反映。原詩詞真情沉鬱,悲壯決絕,



走向工農

1921 年初,毛澤東還是一名政治新手。他經常主持新民學會的會議,參加會議的主要是教師和學生,他們似乎專註於諸如是否要開辦一家餐館為當地工人提供廉價食品,以及他們的目標應該是改造中國還是「改造中國和世界」等問題。然而,到 1922 年底,毛澤東已成為一名專業的革命組織者,並學習如何協調影響成千上萬工人生活的重大罷工。

第一次罷工是建築工人和木匠的罷工,此前他們一直按照傳統的行會組織起來。在長沙湖南自修大學的舊址,毛澤東認識了一些修復舊建築的木匠。他與他們談論了他們的勞動合同和工資標準,並說服其中一名木匠加入共產黨。這個選擇非常明智,而這位木匠也是一位天生的領導者和出色的組織者。1922 年 9 月和 10 月,這位木匠與毛澤東(黨授予他「中國勞工組織秘書處湖南辦事處書記」)一起領導了一系列集會、示威和停工,使工人的基本時薪大幅提高。

1922 年 11 月,鉛字排字工和印刷工也發起了罷工,他們在 1920 年成立了自己的工會,但後來根據他們各自的專業技能(平版印刷工、印刷機操作員、印刷工和排字工)而分裂。毛澤東現在在長沙以組織能力而聞名,但尚未被視為危險的激進分子,這一點可以從以下事實中看出:在隨後的罷工解決中,報紙所有者請他擔任「調解人」。在這個角色中,在工人的強大支持下,他幫助實現了幾乎所有工人的要求。

在一份詳盡的當前政治概要中,毛澤東估計,到 1923 年初,湖南有 23 個主要工人組織,成員約 30,000 人,這些概要充斥著他標誌性的事實和數據。在同一時期,發生了 10 次罷工,共有 22,250 名工人參加,其中 9 次「勝利或半勝利」。除了上述兩次罷工外,毛澤東還將礦工(煤礦、鋅礦和鉛礦)、鐵路工人、機械車間操作員、造幣廠工人、服裝工人、絲綢廠工人、電工、理髮師、製鞋匠和人力車夫列入了他的工人組織名單。毛澤東本人也參與了其他幾次罷工的戰略規劃,其中一些罷工是由他以前在長沙的同學領導和指揮的,他們現在已經從法國勤工儉學歸來(其中幾位同學已經加入了共青團或共產黨)。毛澤東的兩個弟弟也積極參與罷工工作,一個是煤礦消費合作社的組織者,另一個是鉛礦工人俱樂部的成員。毛澤東的妻子楊開慧——儘管懷著他們的第一個孩子——一直在礦工罷工地區附近的農民中工作,幫助爭取婦女權利和更好的教育設施。這是一個令人印象深刻的記錄。

然而,湖南的激進主義世界並不是整個共產黨政治的中心。在共產國際的指示下,由於馬林仍在中國監督執行命令,中國共產黨被迫與聯合國民黨結盟。毛澤東幾乎肯定是那些認為這是一項危險政策的共產黨人之一:他了解到,工人正在建立自己的團結,反對資產階級勢力,甚至反對外國人,儘管軍閥的對抗——他們可能是最野蠻的罷工​​破壞者——是不可預測的,並且已經對湖南造成了嚴重破壞。此外,作為黨的早期成員,他幾乎沒有權利公開抗議。然而,毛澤東長期以來一直欽佩的陳獨秀卻沒有這樣的顧忌。陳獨秀列舉了反對馬林提出的共產黨應該加入國民黨的計劃的諸多理由,例如,兩黨的目標和政策完全不同,國民黨積極與美國和北方軍閥以及腐敗的親日政客合作,因此加入他們會讓所有年輕人失去對共產黨的「信仰」。陳獨秀還說,國民黨無法容忍新成員的想法,並「以謊言為力量」。

1922 年 7 月 16 日至 23 日,中國共產黨第二次代表大會在上海召開,討論了這些以及其他有關無產階級在當前鬥爭中的作用的重要問題。毛澤東可能被邀請參加,因為他參加了第一次代表大會,此後一直擔任湖南勞工秘書處負責人,並取得了成功。然而,他完全錯過了會議。多年後,他給出的唯一解釋是奇怪而不完整的:「我忘了會議地點的名字,找不到同志,所以錯過了。」毛澤東以前確實承認過自己有點心不在焉——他曾告訴一位記者,他在讀信時把信弄丟了——但這個解釋仍然很奇怪。毛澤東當時已經對上海相當了解了,他曾三次訪問上海,其中兩次訪問時間相當長,並且與許多黨內人士都有聯繫。另一方面,有人可能會說,上海是一個大城市,被劃分成許多部分,包括兩個國際租界;楊開慧當時懷孕五個月;他長期勞累過度;其他幾位代表也錯過了會議,包括李大釗和整個廣州代表團。與會的十二名代表就共產主義與資產階級結盟的必要性達成了足夠的共識,並發表聲明同意與孫中山和其他國民黨民族主義黨領導人合作。

除了黨對莫斯科指示的忠誠之外,這一決定還有多種原因。1922 年 5 月,香港海員大罷工以工人勝利告終,民族主義組織者積極參與其中,提高了國民黨作為一個天生革命組織的威望。儘管罷工取得了成功,但共產黨本身的規模仍然小得危險:1922 年的 12 名代表代表了全中國 195 名共產黨員,比前一年增加了四倍,但還算不上壓倒性的數量。在這 195 名代表中,只有大約 30 名是工人。此外,中國共產黨幾乎沒有任何資金。大多數黨員沒有工作或其他收入來源。1921 年至 1922 年秋冬期間,黨的中央機關的開支總計 17,500 美元,其中共產國際提供了 16,665 美元。預計來年的預算全部來自共產國際。然而,直到 1922 年 8 月馬林在杭州召開的另一次特別會議之後,才規定所有共產黨員必須加入國民黨,即所謂的「內部聯盟」。許多共產黨領導人立即加入了國民黨,包括李大釗,甚至陳獨秀,儘管之前有所疑慮,但毛澤東似乎一直推遲到 1923 年初才加入國民黨。也許對他來說,最後的刺激是 1923 年 2 月,一名北方軍閥對鐵路工人工會進行了野蠻鎮壓,而共產黨曾相信該軍閥具有進步潛力。許多工人被殺,工會領袖被公開斬首。顯然,工人面臨的來自軍閥的危險是全國性的,湖南與其他地方沒有什麼不同。到 1923 年夏天,毛澤東肯定是國民黨的一員。然而,儘管建立了新的聯盟,共產黨的發展仍然緩慢而艱難,到 1923 年 6 月,黨員人數僅增加到 420 人,其中 37 人是女性,164 人是工人,10 人在監獄中。

毛澤東的職業軌跡現在開始改變,因為他陷入了官方政治事務的漩渦中。雖然楊開慧在 1923 年春天再次懷孕,但毛澤東不得不在 6 月離開家參加共產黨第三次代表大會。這次代表大會在廣州舉行——毛澤東沒有迷路,儘管他以前沒有去過這座城市——他盡職盡責地支持了關於與國民黨結盟的宣言。在這次大會上,毛澤東當選為共產黨執政的中央執行委員會委員,並被任命為黨的組織部部長。雖然這是一個重大的進步,但后一個職位對家庭生活造成了問題,因為毛澤東必須前往上海,他於 7 月到達那裡。來自長沙的消息令人震驚。一個新的軍國主義者控制了這座城市,湖南爆發了新的暴力事件,許多學校被關閉,毛澤東本人在一年前幫助建立的幾個工會被鎮壓。毛澤東作為黨的發言人寫道:「我們一貫反對自治省聯盟」,理由是,這隻不過是「一個各軍省長在各自分裂政權中的聯盟」,這戲劇性地暴露了他不久前對湖南獨立的立場。


9 月,毛澤東離開上海與妻子團聚,並於 1923 年 9 月 16 日到達長沙。在那裡,他發現兩支主要軍隊在湘江沿岸對峙,他非常擔心家人的安全,於是他通過私人信使傳遞政治信件,並要求他的政治聯繫人用假名給他寫信。毛澤東還發現他無法承擔落在他肩上的新任務。他告訴國民黨的聯繫人,他每個月至少需要 100 元人民幣來開展他們在長沙設想的行動,並租用必要的辦公室。正是在這種令人沮喪的情況下,楊開慧和毛澤東的第二個孩子於 1923 年 11 月左右出生——又是一個男孩,他們給他取名為安慶。

毛澤東和楊開慧呆了 12 月,沒有參加他本應在上海參加的共產黨中央執行委員會會議。相反,他向委員會提交了一份對湖南局勢持悲觀態度的報告。毛澤東在報告中指出,由社會主義青年團領導的農民組織(長沙南部地區原有多達一萬名成員)已被鎮壓,部分原因是「經濟鼓動」的極端政策甚至疏遠了中等富裕的中農,部分原因是軍政府的反擊。在過去的四個月里,長沙只有十四人加入了共產黨,罷工中心則有三十人左右。我說,城外對他來說很好。由於戰火連綿,長沙的工廠普遍關閉,工人們陷入貧困,工人俱樂部全部關閉或完全停止活動。

但即使黨的領導人原諒了毛澤東 12 月的缺席,共產國際要求他與國民黨建立統一戰線的新命令也使他必須參加定於 1924 年 1 月在廣州舉行的第一次國民黨全國代表大會。毛澤東一定覺得自己別無選擇,只能離開。楊開慧雖然是共產黨員,但她顯然覺得,毛澤東有義務留在她和兩個孩子身邊,他們現在一個 14 個月,一個 1 個月,被困在這座飽受戰爭蹂躪的城市。雖然毛澤東和楊開慧之間沒有留下任何私人信件,但毛澤東從學生時代起就一直熱愛中國詩歌,並用詩歌向親密的朋友表達自己的私人情感。這是一首寫給楊開慧的詩,寫於 1823 年 12 月,儘管這首詩的韻律很正式,也引用了其他古典經典詩歌,但它讓我們清楚地看到了他們在人生這一極其困難的時刻所陷入的複雜情感:

  揮手從茲去。更那堪、凄然相向,苦情重訴。眼角眉梢都似恨,熱淚欲零還住。知誤會前翻書語。過眼滔滔雲共霧,算人間知己吾與汝。人有病,天知否?

 今朝霜重東門路,照橫塘、半天殘月,凄清如許。汽笛一聲腸已斷,從此天涯孤旅。憑割斷愁思恨縷。我自欲為江海客,更不為昵昵兒女語。山欲墮,雲橫翥。


1924 年 1 月,毛澤東在廣州過得非常忙碌。他積極參與關鍵的政治辯論,熟悉政治舞台上的新人物,並表現出集中討論、以有效但能達成共識的方式進行表決的能力。大會結束后,毛澤東被選為國民黨中央執行委員會候補委員,並連續四次出席國民黨中央局會議,再次就資金和行政程序提出實質性建議。從 1924 年 2 月到秋天,毛澤東駐紮在上海,既擔任國民黨高級職務(他還負責記錄會議記錄),又擔任共產黨職務。他的大部分工作都集中在使統一戰線成為現實,確定雙方成員在另一方行動中應扮演的角色,這是一項微妙而艱巨的工作,雙方都有誤解的危險。1924 年 6 月,楊開慧來到上海與他會合,至少會待一段時間。 (他們現在有了一個保姆,幫他們照顧兩個孩子。) 到了 7 月,毛澤東越來越相信國民黨和共產黨的聯盟可能維持不了多久,他和陳獨秀共同簽署了一份致共產黨的立場文件,敦促他們考慮撤軍的可能性。他們認為,國民黨右翼正在取得進展,並打算通過鎮壓工人和農民的運動來安撫軍閥和商人。毛澤東於 9 月 10 日簽署了第二份重要通告,內容涉及華中軍閥,11 月又簽署了第三份關於黨的工作和對孫中山的政策的通告。然後,突然在 12 月,毛澤東完全退出了,回到了長沙老家。1925 年 2 月,他深入農村,回到了湘潭縣的韶山老家。近一年來,他沒有參加任何政黨的會議,並被一個接一個地從重要委員會中除名。 毛澤東告訴他的共產黨上級,他已經精疲力竭,這一點毋庸置疑。可以想見,他也想花時間陪伴家人。第三個原因——儘管與前兩個原因相比,如何看待這個原因尚不清楚——是他想在自己以前的家鄉與農民一起工作,在那裡他了解他們的習慣和方言、他們的悲劇和希望。這個原因的必然結果是,毛澤東想在一個他信任和理解的地區和人群中建立自己的根據地。儘管共產國際和共產黨(甚至國民黨)都曾以不同程度的言辭支持農民解放事業,但這些言論並不能代替人們在最了解的中國農村實地了解農村的嘗試。在中國其他地方,尤其是東南沿海地區,一些先驅者已經開始組建農民協會和合作社,或開始推動解除嚴苛的佃農條件,甚至重新分配土地。楊開慧可能也有同樣的興趣,湖南肯定也進行過幾次試驗——毛澤東(缺席)在 1923 年底向共產黨中央執行委員會報告了這些試驗的規模和失敗情況。(第 68 頁)
Image result for mao zedong by soence
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關於這首詩詞的背景,為何楊開慧「眼角眉梢都似恨」?為何毛後期改詩詞影響原意?學者高華的一篇文章從另外的角度做了說明---


高華:讀毛澤東詩詞「人有病,天知否?」
2009年08月07日 15:50萬象  】 【列印】 270位網友發表評論

原題:人有病,天知否?

1973年,毛澤東已屆八十高齡。年初,他親自布署批判1972年的"右傾回潮"。在這年夏天召開的中共十大上,毛的文革理論體系再次被全面肯定。他大力提拔王洪文、張春橋等進入中央核心層。在維護文革理論體系的前題下,毛也安排鄧小平等老幹部逐漸復出,形成了一種由毛完全主控下新的權力平衡,環顧神州,四海晏清,毛的所有政治對手都已被剷除。然而他並沒有稍稍松馳,中共十大后,毛又開始醞釀批林批孔運動。

毛澤東從容堅定,老而彌堅,卻早已步入垂暮之年,心情是沉鬱和凝重的,就在毛頻頻就批林批孔運動發出"最新指示"的同時,他也象一般老人那樣,對自己過去的詩文重又燃起興趣,就在這年的冬天,毛撿拾起擱置多時的舊詩文,並對其中的一部分作了新的修改訂正。

毛澤東一生寫有大量文稿,在其生前公開出版的只佔其中的一部分,未公開發表的原因大致有幾個方面:

1、自覺不成熟,或公開出版與當下政治鬥爭有違的文稿,如毛在60年代初讀蘇聯政治經濟學教科書談話記記錄;

2、涉及黨內上層鬥爭的機密,公開後會有損現今領導人威信的文稿,如毛在40年代初批判王明路線兼及批評周恩來等的《九篇文章》;

3、毛在布署某些重大政治鬥爭前夜對若干重要問題進行思考的文稿,如毛在1966年7月8日寫給江青的信,以及生前從未公開,寫於1966年6月的《七律×有所思》;

4、完全屬於個人情感領域的詩文。

在1973年冬毛澤東重新改定的詩文中,有一首寫於50年前的《賀新郎》,直至他逝世后的1978年9月9日,才在《人民日報》公開發表。

《賀新郎》是作於1923年的一首詠毛楊之戀的愛情詩,也是目前僅見的毛澤東唯一的一首愛情詩。毛澤東與楊開慧由相知、相戀於1920年結婚後,夫妻情愛篤深,然毛此時已是一職業革命家,常常奔走四方,與楊開慧分多聚少。楊雖系五四新女性,但仍深受其家庭傳統文化氛圍之濡染,情感豐富細膩,不僅深佩毛之魄力、學識,且對毛依戀極深,楊善詩詞,寫有一些舊體詩和日記,常詠對毛的愛戀,(1927年後,楊開慧將這些詩文藏於其家中的牆壁內,1983年老屋翻修才偶然發現)。楊開慧希望夫婦長相守,毛卻難以做到。因此夫妻間難免有口角抵牾,毛偶爾也有厭煩之意。他曾抄寫一首唐代詩人元稹的《菟絲》給楊開慧:

"人生莫依倚,依倚事不成。

君看菟絲蔓,依倚榛和荊。

下有狐兔穴,奔走亦縱橫。

樵童砍將去,柔蔓與之並。"

此事對楊開慧刺傷很深,毛雖多次解釋,均未得冰釋誤會。1923年,毛奉中共中央命,又要前往上海轉廣州,此次遠行,楊開慧也未去送行。毛寫下這首柔情繾綣的《賀新郎》:

"揮手從茲去。更那堪凄然相向,苦情重訴。眼角眉梢都似恨,熱淚欲零還往。知誤會前番書語。過眼滔滔雲共霧,算人間知己吾和汝。重感慨,淚如雨。今朝霜重東門路,照橫塘半天殘月,凄清如許。汽笛一聲腸已斷,從此天涯孤旅。憑割斷愁絲恨縷。要似崑崙崩絕壁,又恰像颱風掃寰宇。重比翼,和雲翥。"

毛澤東的一生有一半時間是在戰爭年代度過的,他常說自己的那些詩詞是在"馬背上哼出來的"。1955年,毛對法國前總理富爾說,很留戀那種馬背上的生活。毛詩意像雄邁,豪邁慷慨,他雖"不廢婉約",但更重"豪放"。就創作內容而言,毛詩中更多反映的是政治、理想和鬥爭。1962年毛接見越南南方客人,在談到自己的詩詞時,他說,"我也是寫階級鬥爭"。

1957年,毛澤東、楊開慧的故舊李淑一將她回憶的一些毛楊詩詞寄給毛,請他幫助回憶考證,其中就有李淑一憶及的當年毛給楊的《虞美人》的殘句。毛複信曰:"開慧所述那一首不好"。毛說"不好",未知是否為真心話?卻有一種過分政治化的感覺。然而在私底下,在毛激越高亢的潛層,在其不予示人的個人天地之一角,毛還留有一份對"婉約"的欣賞。

毛澤東晚年一再圈點柳永詞,1973年冬,他將那首《賀新郎》又作了最後的修定。毛將原詞中"重感慨,淚如雨"一句改為"人有病,天知否?"

"重感慨,淚如雨",雖淺露直白,卻飽含平常人之情暖,將其改成為"人有病,天知否",則更精彩,一下躍升到"形而上"的層次。

"人有病,天知否?"究竟是何含義?毛之問天,胸中又有何等強烈的憤懣?50年白雲蒼狗,此時之"病"與彼時夫妻間的感慨難道仍是同一物嗎?

毛澤東不太喜歡別人對他的詩詞作註釋,他說,"詩不宜注",但毛也不反對詩家從不同的角度來註解他的詩詞。毛在1964年對他的老友,也是注毛詩的名家周世釗先生說,注毛詩"可以意為之"。毛的《賀新郎》在1978年發表后,注家蜂起,李淑一以毛楊老友的身份發表學習體會,稱詩中之"人有病"乃是指人民在三座大山壓迫下所造成的苦痛;"天知否",有喚起人民革命推翻三座大山的含義。注毛詩的另一名家周振甫先生也持類似說法。李淑一等的解釋或許可以說得通,但我總覺得隔了一層,我更相信毛在1923年寫作該詩時,主要是詠夫妻間的情愛,而1973年修改此句則意蘊深遠。

毛澤東晚年的心境極為複雜,在壯懷激烈的同時,又日顯幽深蒼涼。毛之一生,事功厥偉,然改造人性又何等艱難!毛雖早已一言九鼎,一呼百應,但"真懂馬列"又有幾許人?萬千眾生,有待拯救,卻懵然不知,又怎不讓人焦慮!

1975年,毛曾三次讓工作人員為他誦讀瘐信的《枯樹賦》:

"……昔年樹柳,依依江南,今看搖落,凄愴江潭,樹猶如此,情何以堪!"當毛一遍遍聽讀《枯樹賦》時,是否也有一種夕陽西照,而壯志難酬的慨嘆與無奈?

在毛澤東生命的最後階段,他讓文化部抽調名家在秘密狀態下為自己灌錄了一批配樂古詩詞。在這些古詩詞清唱中,毛最喜愛南宋張元幹的《賀新郎×送胡邦衡待制赴新州》,詞雲:"……天意從來高難問,況人情老易悲難訴。"晚年毛的心思又有誰能猜透呢?

近讀陳徒手《人有病,天知否:1949年中國文壇記實》,對作者何以用毛詞之佳句作書名再三體味。以吾觀之,此"病"似病又非病也,病者,有待改造的人性之痼疾,資產階級、小資產階級腐朽思想也;非病者,精神,靈魂之痛也,對焉,錯焉?


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回復 change? 2024-12-17 00:23
5 workers and peasants

In early 1921, Mao was still a political amateur. The meetings of the new people's study society, over which he often presided,  were attended largely by teachers and their students, who seemed to be absorbed with such problems as whether or not to found a restaurant to provide cheap food for local workers, and whether their goal should be to transform China or to "transform China and the world." By the end of 1922, however, Mao was becoming a professional revolutionary organizer and learning how to coordinate major strikes that affected the lives of tens of thousands of workers.

The first of these was a strike by construction workers and carpenters, who hitherto had been organized along traditional guild lines. At the site of hunan self-study university in Changsha, mao got to know some of the carpenters repairing the old buildings. He talked to them about their labor contracts and their pay scales, and persuaded one of the carpenters to join the communist party. The choice was a good one, and the chosen carpenter turned out to be a natural leader and a brilliant organizer. Working along with Mao, who had been given the sonorous title by the party of "secretary to the Hunan office of the secretariat of the Chinese labor organization," in September and October 1922 the carpenter led a series of rallies, demonstrations, and work stoppages that brought a major raise in the workers' basic hourly wages.

Another strike, in November 1922, came from the lead-type compositors and printers, who had formed their own union in 1920 but had later split apart along the lines of their specific skills-- lithographers, press operators, printers, and typesetters. That Mao was now well known in Changsha for his organization skills but was not yet perceived to be a dangerous radical can be seen from the fact that in the settlement of the strike that followed, he was called in by the newspaper proprietors as a "mediator." In this role, and with strong solidarity of the workers behind him, he was instrumental in gaining virtually all of their demands.

In one of the careful synopses of current politics, replete with facts and figures that had become his hallmark, Mao estimated that by early 1923 there were twenty-three major workers' organizations in Hunan, with a membership of around 30,000 workers. In the same period there had been ten strikes, involving a total of 22,250 workers, of which nine were "victorious or semi-victorious." In addition to the two above, Mao included in his list of workers' organizations miners (in coal, zinc, and lead mines), railway employees, machine-shop operators, mint workers, garment workers, silk factory employees, electrical workers, barbers, boot- and shoemakers, and rickshaw pullers. Mao himself had been involved in the strategic planning of several of these other strikes, some of which had been led by and directed by his former Changsha schoolmates, now returned from their work-study experience in France (where several of them had already joined the communist youth. League or the communist party). Mao's two younger brothers were also active in strike work, one as the organizer of a consumer cooperative in the collieries, and the other in the workers' club at the lead mines. And Mao's wife, Yang Kaihui --though pregnant with their first child--had been working among the peasants who lived near the area where miners had been on strike, helping to push for women's rights and better education facilities. It was an impressive record.

The world of Hunanese activism, however, was not the center of communist party politics as a whole. Under instructions from the Comintern, and with Maring still in China to see that the orders were followed, the Chinese communist party was being pushed into an alliance with Un Yat-sen's Guomindang nationalist party. Mao was almost certainly among the communists who found this a dangerous policy: he was learning that workers were building up their own solidarity against the forces of bourgeoisie , and even against foreigners, though the antagonism of the militarists --who could be the most savage of strikebreakers-- was unpredictable and had already wreaked havoc on Hunan. Also, as an early member of the party, it was hardly up to him to protest publicly. Chen Duxiu, however,whom Mao had so long admired, had no such inhibitions. Chen listed a number of reasons for his opposition to Maring's plans that the communists should join with the nationalists, such as the completely different aims and policies of the two parties, and the fact that the nationalists Guomindang was cooperating actively with the United States and northern warlords, as well as corrupt pro-Japanese politicians, so that to join them would drive all the youth away from their "faith" in the communist party. Chen added that the nationalists had no tolerance for the idea of new members and "used lies as power."

The second communist party congress, at which these and other crucial issues concerning the role of the proletariat in the current struggle were discussed, had convened in Shanghai from July 16 to 23, 1922. Presumably Mao was invited to be there, since he had attended the first congress, and had been serving ever since as head of Hunan labor secretariat, with success. Yet he missed the meetings altogether. The only explanation that he ever gave, many years later, was a curious and incomplete one:" I forgot the name of the place where it was to be held, could not find any comrades, and missed it." It is certainly true that on some earlier occasions Mao had admitted to being somewhat scatterbrained--he once told a correspondent that he had lost his letter in the middle of reading it -- but the explanation remains strange. Mao knew Shanghai fairly well by this time, after three visits on which two were fairly lengthy, and had many party contacts. On the other hand, one could argue that, Shanghai was a huge city subdivided into many subsections, including two international settlements; Yang Kaihui was five months pregnant; he had been overworked for a long time; and several other delegates also missed the meeting, including Li Dazhao and the whole Canton delegation . The twelve delegates attending reached enough consensus about the need for a communist alliance with the bourgeoisie  to issue a statement agreeing that they would cooperate with Sun Yat-sen and other Guomindang nationalist party leaders

There were various reasons for this decision, besides Party loyalty to the dictates from Moscow. Massive strike of seamen in Hong Kong in which nationalist organizers had been active had ended triumphantly for the workers in may 1922, raising the Guomindang prestige as an inherently revolutionary organization. Despite the strike successes the communist party itself was still dangerously small: the twelve delegates in 1922 represented a total China- wide communist membership of 195, a fourfold increase from the year before but hardly an overwhelming number. Best, of the 195, only around thirty were workers. Also , the communist party in China had almost no money whatsoever. Most of the members had no jobs or other sources of income. Expenses for the central organs of the party during the fall and winter of 1921 to 1922 had totaled 17,500 Chinese dollars, of which the Comintern provided 16,665 dollars. The projected budget for the following year was all expected to come from Comintern sources. However, it was only after another special meeting, convened by Maring at hangzhou in August 1922, that it was made mandatory for all communists to join the Guomindang nationalist party, as what was called " a bloc within." Many of the communist leaders joined right away, including li Dazhao and even Chen duxiu , despite the earlier misgivings, Mao, however,seems to have delayed joining the nationalist party until early in 1923. Perhaps the final spur for him was the savage suppression in February 1923 of the railway workers' union by a northern warlord in whose progressive potential the communist party had once believed. Many workers were killed, and the union leader was publicly beheaded. Clearly the dangers confronting workers from militarists were nationwide, and Hunan was no different from anywhere else. By the summer of 1923, Mao was definitely a member of the nationalist party. Yet despite this new alliance, growth for the communist party continued to be slow and difficult, with the party membership climbing only up to 420 by June 1923, of whom 37 were women, 164 were workers, and 10 were in jail.

Mao's career trajectory now began to change, as he was caught up in the swirl of official political business. Though Yang Kaihui was pregnant again by the spring of 1923, Mao had to leave home in June to attend the Third Congress of the communist party. This one was held in Canton-- mao did not get lost, though he had not visited the city before -- and he dutifully endorsed the declarations concerning alliance with the Guomindang. At this congress mao was elected to the communist party's ruling central executive committee, and named head of the party's organization department. Though a major advancement, the latter post had its problems for family life, as mao had to proceed to Shanghai, which he reached in July. The news from Changsha was alarming. A new militarist clamped his hold over the city, new levels of violence erupted in Hunan, many schools were closed, and several of the unions that Mao himself had helped to found the year before were suppressed. Dramatically revealing the position on Hunan's independence he had taken not so long before, Mao as a Party spokesman now wrote "we have always opposed a federation of self-governing provinces ," on the grounds that it would simply by"a federation of military governors in their own separatist regimes.

In September, Mao left Shanghai to rejoin his wife and reached Changsha on September 16, 1923. There he found two major armies drawn up facing each other along the Xiang River, and was so nervous for his family that he routed his political correspondence via a private courier and asked his political contacts to write to him under an assumed name, mao also found he could not afford the new tasks that had fallen on his shoulders. He told his contacts in the nationalist party that he would need at least 100 Chinese dollars each month to run the operation they envisioned in Changsha, and to rent the necessary office so. It was in these rather dispiriting circumstances that Yang Kaihui and Mao's second child was born, sometime in November 1923--another boy , whom they named anqing.

Mao stayed with yang Kaihui through December, skipping the communist central executive committee's meeting that he should have attended in Shanghai. Instead, he sent the committee a pessimistic report on the Hunan situation. Mao noted in the report that peasant organizations-- formerly reaching up to ten thousand members in the area south of Changsha-- led by the socialist youth league, had been crushed, partly because of an extreme policy of "economic agitation " that alienated even the moderately prosperous middle peasants, and partly because of counterforce from the militarist troops. Only fourteen people had joined the communist party in Changsha during the previous four months, another thirty or so in strike centers I said it's nice for him outside the city. Widespread closure of Changsha 's factories due to the incessant warfare had impoverished the workers, and the workers' clubs had all closed down or became totally inactive.

But even if party leaders had excused
Mao's absence in December, new orders from the Comintern to forge a United Front with the Guomindang made it imperative for him to attend the first national Guomindang congress, scheduled for January 1924 in Canton. Mao must have felt he had no choice but to go. Yang Kaihui, though communist party member herself, clearly felt it was malt's duty to stay with her and the two children, now aged fourteen months and one month, trapped in a war-torn city. Though there were no surviving personal letters between Mao and Yang, Mao had kept his love of Chinese poetry even since his schooldays, and used poems to express his private emotions to his close friends. It is a poem to Yang Kaihui, dating from December 1823, which, despite its formal meter and cross-references to other poems  from the classical canon, gives us the clearest view of their tangled emotions at this intensely difficult moment in their lives:

Waving farewell, i set off on my journey.
The desolate glances we give each other make things worse,
Yet again emphasizing our bitter feelings.
Eyes and brows reflect your tension,
As you hold back hot tears that seek to flow.
I know you misunderstood our past exchanges;
What drifts before our eyes are clouds fog,
Even though we thought none knew each other as well as you and I.
When people feel such pain,
Does heaven know?

At dawn today, thick frost in the way to East Gate,
A fading moon and half the sky reflected in our patch of pond---
Both echo our desolation.
The sound of the  train's whistle cuts straight through me.
From this time on I'll be everywhere alone.
I'm begging you to sever these tangled ties of emotion.
I myself would like to be a rootless wanderer,
And have nothing more to with lovers' whispers.
The mountains are about to tumble down.
Clouds dash across the sky.

January 1924 in Canton was frenetic for Mao. He took an active part in the key political debates, became familiar with the new figures in the political scene, and showed an ability to concentrate a discussion and bring it a vote in an effective yet consensus- building way. After the congress, Mao was elected an alternate member of Guomindang's own central executive committee, and he attended four successive meetings of the Guomindang central party bureau, again making substantive suggestions on funding and administrative procedures. Fro. February through the fall of 1924, Mao was stationed in Shanghai, working both in senior Guomindang positions (where he also kept minutes) and in his communist party positions. much of his work centered on making the united front a reality, by defining the role that members of each party should play in the proceedings of the other, a delicate and demanding job, and one with dangers of misapprehension by both sides. In June 1924, yang Kaihui came to join him in Shanghai, at least for a time. (They had a nanny now, to help them with the two children.)

By July, mao was growing convinced that the Guomindang alliance with the communists might not be tenable much longer, and with Chen Duxiu he co-signed a position paper to the Communists, urging them to consider the contingency of withdrawing. The Guomindang right wing was gaining ground, they argued, and intent on placating the militarists and the merchants by suppressing movements of the workers and peasants. Mao signed a second important circular on September 10, concerning warlords in central China, and a third in November on party work and policies toward sun yat-sen. then, suddenly, in December, Mao pulled out altogether and went home to Changsha. In February 1925 he traveled deeper into the countryside, back to his native village of shaoshan in xiangtan county. For almost a year he attended no meetings of either political party, and was dropped from his important committees one by one.

Mao told his Communist superiors that he was exhausted, and there is no need to doubt it. He also, one may assume,wanted to spend time with his family. A third reason-- though where to place it in terms of the other two is unclear-- was that he wanted to work with the peasants on his own former home turf, where he knew their ways and their dialects, their tragedies and their hopes. A corollary to that reason would be that mao wanted to build a base of his own, in a region and among people he trusted and understood. Even though, I a rather abstract way , the Comintern and the communist party ( and even the Guomindang) had espoused the cause of peasant liberation with various degrees of rhetoric, those pronouncements were no substitute for trying to understand rural China on the ground that one knew best. Elsewhere in China, especially on southeast coast, a few other pioneers had embarked on the formation of peasant associations and cooperatives or had begun to push for some release free from harsh tenantry terms , or even for redistribution of land. Yang Kaihui may have shared this interest , and certainly there had been several experiments in Hunan—-their extent, as we as their collapse, had been reported by Mao ( in absentia) to the communist central executive committee in late 1923.

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