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美國外交官中國來信之 良友之殤(50)

作者:change?  於 2023-10-25 02:45 發表於 最熱鬧的華人社交網路--貝殼村

通用分類:文史雜談

致畢德格小姐

北京 19021113

你寫信詢問關於你兄弟的事。談到你兄弟,令人悲欣交集。我十分尊敬並欽佩他(To your letter of inquiry about your brother, whom we hold in the highest esteem, respect, and admiration, I respond with sad pleasure)。他是在我們心中佔有重要地位的在京的美國人之一。他意志堅強,學識寶貴,風度翩翩,謙遜文雅(His strong mind was stored with most valuable information, which was dressed in the grace of culture and modest refinement)。我們,以及他的許多朋友都很喜歡他。他不僅是中美兩國人民真正的朋友,也是留在這裡的其他國家人們的好朋友。只要有人求於他,他都真誠相助(Each and all turned to him, and he responded, but never in disloyalty)。他了解中國人和他們的習俗,曾多年擔任李鴻章的顧問。他精通漢語,對中國繁複的傳統文化有很深的造詣(He knew their language, and dug deep  into Chinese knotty traditions)。

我有時會說:噢,畢德格先生,那事看起來很糟糕!這時,他會不緊不慢地對我說:你還沒有完全明白。然後他會耐心地給我解釋。聽他做解釋是一種享受。我時常會拿一件刺繡,景泰藍,黃銅器或瓷器(a piece of embroidery, cloisonné,brass, or porcelain)去問他上面寫了什麼。在中國藝術里,一片葉子,一朵花,一個水果,一頭動物,一隻昆蟲都有其潛在的含義。他研究過這些含義,由於這些含義結合成整體時具有更深的內涵,因此他隨時樂意為我們解釋一通。從他那裡,我開始對中國人的特性有了更多的了解,從他非凡的見識中我發現了很多值得我欽佩的東西。

他對中國人的失望和他在近期動蕩中的努力工作令他身心受創(His disappointment in the Chinese, and his active work during the late troubles, seemed to wear upon him)。他過去一直過著平靜的生活,可我們被圍困后,他就再也閑不住了。由於他熟悉漢語和了解中國人(He had lived a quiet physical life for years, and when the siege was upon us he did not spare himself in any way),他整天被召來喚去的,就算是比他強壯的人也承受不了(His knowledge of the Chinese language and the people called him on duty beyond the strength of a stronger man)。但當時大家都在全力以赴,因此也就疏忽了這一點(We did not realize this, as all were doing their best)。在圍困之中和之後,有很多人倒下了,他就是其中的一個。

那段可怕的日子過後他就再也沒有好起來。他好像總是不能痊癒,每次舊病複發都會讓他更加痛苦(He did not seem to rally permanently, and each relapse added to his sufferings)。他的中國僕人們一直在他身邊侍候他,他們是極其和善的人。在他生病的最後幾周里,軍隊的護士整天守侯在他身旁,照顧他。好在他不是始終都在受苦,他在凡間生命的最後幾個小時過得很平靜(He did not seem to be a constant sufferer; the last of his earthly hours were were spent in quiet)。

他被安放在外國人專用的棺材里,送到美國公使館舉行葬禮。朋友們送來了許多美麗的鮮花。各個房間里擠滿了他的朋友,大家輕輕地把他安放到他最後的安息之地,輕輕地將他掩埋,留下一大堆美麗的鮮花(The rooms were filled with his friends, and loving hands tenderly placed him in his last earthly bed, covered him over, and left behind them a mound of rich, beautiful flowers)。


畢德格(Pethick William N ?-1902)美國人。同治十三年(1874年)來華,任美國駐天津副領事。后因仰慕李鴻章而辭去領事職務,入李鴻章幕府,為其出謀劃策,輔助籌劃修建關內外鐵路等。 畢德格熟悉漢語和法、德等國語言,便成了李鴻章重要的私人秘書、翻譯和顧問。

中文名 畢德格
外文名 Pethick William N
逝世日期1902年
光緒七年(1881年)十月,畢德格會同施醫處官醫生馬根濟上書李鴻章,擬辦北洋醫學館,挑選聰穎少年子弟隨同學習西醫,以備考取醫官,分赴軍營、戰艦充當軍醫,並擬訂章程十一條。這一建議得到李鴻章的允准和大力支持,為北洋海軍培養出了一批醫務人才。
畢德格在華活動較突出的是在外交方面所扮演的角色。他憑藉自己的外交歷練、語言基礎和顧問身份,經常參與李鴻章主持的外交活動。甲午戰爭爆發后,隨著清軍在戰場上的節節敗退,清政府加快了同日本的議和步伐,乞請列強從中斡旋、聯合調停。日本以「事態的發展尚未達到足以保證在談判上得到令人滿意的結果」為由,拒絕了英國倡導的聯合調停,決定在攻佔遼東半島后再談和議問題,並照復英國,拒絕其調停建議的第二天,從鴨綠江、花園口兩路進攻遼東半島。十月六日,回國休假期滿后重返天津的畢德格到達日本橫濱,日本外務省派遣其顧問德尼遜(Denison Henry W)專程前往橫濱,邀請畢德格到東京一行,畢德格也想摸清日本的議和條件,便應邀前往。初七日,日本外務省官員與畢德格會見,主動提出和議問題,指出日本擬在得到旅順口後方肯開議,並回答畢德格議和條款的大概情況:賠款;朝鮮自主;割讓地;江寧、杭州所殺倭人應令賠償;以後所有在華之倭人應享權利與歐洲各國之人無異。這五條既原作又頗具彈性。日本政府通過李鴻章的顧問畢德格向中國拋出「五條」,透露了其用意是要直接與清政府議和。十月二十二日,畢德格返回天津,向李鴻章稟陳了與日本外務省官員的談話節略,日軍佔領劉公島后,清政府決定派李鴻章赴日乞和,二十一年(1895年)二月十七日,畢德格隨同李鴻章自天津登輪,赴日和談。
甲午戰爭后,李鴻章被解除了任期長達二十五年之久的直隸總督兼北洋大臣職務,奉命赴京入閣辦事,棲居賢良寺,「苟有事至使館,必使之(畢德格)往」,視為得力助手。二十三年(1896年)德國強佔膠州灣,畢德格奉命會晤俄國駐華公使巴布羅斯,欲請俄國從中干涉,因種種原因而未能成功。
史料記載, 畢德格跟從李鴻章二十餘年,深得李鴻章的信任與倚重,對李鴻章的思想也頗有影響。據濮蘭德(Bland John Otway Percy)所寫的《李鴻章傳》說,畢德格自任李鴻章英文秘書後,每天寫日記,但其日記於1902年臨死前被盜,實為可惜。畢德格還曾充任過李鴻章的家庭教師,「公子伯行(李經方)從之習英文」,「季皋(李經邁)朝夕與游,亦從問學」。

《紐約時報》對畢德格去世的報道:AMERICAN WHO ADVISED LI-HUNG-CHANG IS DEAD.; William N. Pethick Was Private Secretary to the Great Viceroy for Thirty Years.

https://www.nytimes.com/1901/12/21/archives/american-who-advised-lihungchang-is-dead-william-n-pethick-was.html


美國國務院檔案網站中畢德格的中國報告
No. 142.
Mr. Angell to Mr. Evarts.
Legation of the United States,
Peking
, December 3, 1880. (Received January 31, 1881.)
No. 65.]

Sir: After the departure of the two commissioners, my colleagues, I received from Mr. William N. Pethick, of Tien-tsin, a letter which contains some interesting statements addressed to the commission. I have thought it well to forward you a copy.

Mr. Pethick』s views are of interest, not only because of his intelligence and his long residence in China, during a portion of which he has held official positions under our government, but especially because of his close and confidential, perhaps we may say official or semi-official, relations with Li-Hung Chang, the grand secretary and viceroy of this province. It is by no means a violent presumption that Mr. Pethick』s letter reflects the views of the viceroy, and so gains a value which makes it worthy of transmission to you.

Moreover, the figures which he gives in elucidation of the disastrous influence of the opium trade in China, in a purely commercial point of view, are very impressive. When we see that China pays more for opium annually than she receives for her whole exportation of silk, or than she receives for her whole crop of tea, we can understand why intelligent Chinese statesman, like the viceroy of this province, regarding the importation only as a business transaction, deeply regret it.

[Page 217]

But no figures can give even an approximate idea of the ruinous effects upon the health and the demoralizing effects upon the character which are produced by the rapidly increasing use of opium in this empire. One must live here and see the wretched condition of the victims of the drug to appreciate what a curse it is to this nation. It is a matter of congratulation that so few of our citizens suffer themselves to be engaged at all in its importation or sale.

In this connection I beg leave to refer you to Mr. Low』s dispatch No. 46, of January 10, 1871, which contains some very interesting statistics and comments on the subject.

I have, &c.,

JAMES B. ANGELL.
[Inclosure in No. 65.]
Mr. Pethick to the United States special commissioners to China.
Tien-tsin, China, November 22, 1880.

Your Excellencies: I cannot deny myself the liberty of writing to offer my congratulations upon your success at Peking. A long official career in China and my present relations with the grand secretary and viceroy Li, enable me to say with confidence that the success which has crowned your efforts will have a marked effect upon the welfare of humanity and civilization, at least in this part of the world.

The question of Chinese immigration to the United States has been settled in a way that will give satisfaction to both countries. But though the solution of that vexed question was the end and aim of your mission, I leave what has been accomplished to speak for and commend itself to our people, as its bearings will be so well understood by them. My present concern is with opium, a subject not quite so well understood at home as the other.

It is a mistake to say that since the opium war with England in 1842, the Chinese Government has never shown a genuine desire to limit or suppress the opium traffic. The printed laws of the empire, imperial, edicts, memorials from the members of the government at Peking and from the provincial authorities, and remarks by the ministers of the Chinese foreign office, addressed to the representatives of foreign governments in documents and in conversation, fully attest the fact that China has never consented to bear, without murmur, this great wrong which was forced upon her. Nor because imperial edicts are set at naught, and the cultivation of the poppy connived at by officials in some parts of the country, is it fair to tax the government with indifference to the spread of this evil. Blood and treasure were spent freely in combating its introduction, and, though defeated in war, the government has not remained a silent or unfeeling witness of this blight extending over the country. The public archives down to the present time bear witness to the fact. American merchants formerly shared in this traffic, and American ships are ready even now to carry opium from place to place in China. But the trade has fallen largely into the hands of Jews and Parsees, British subjects, from India. Very few English mercantile firms of reputation are concerned with it, save by employing their vessels to carry it about. Yet the Chinese people make no such nice distinction as to principals and accessories in this trade. They know that opium was forced on the country by a war, that all foreign merchants and their ships have engaged in the trade, and that any foreign vessel will carry opium now. The common name with them for opium is 「yang yao」 (foreign drug), and the simple facts ever present in their minds are that foreigners first brought opium into the country and bring it still; and the efforts of their authorities to put it down have no manner of effect upon foreigners. Thus Americans, as foreigners in this country, and being free to deal in opium, come in for their share of the opprobium equally with English merchants, and bring the fair fame of Western civilization into disrepute.

To give a clear idea of the present extent of the foreign opium trade in China, I will here quote some statistics, taken from the latest official report of the foreign customs service of the Chinese Government; Chinese weights and values are reduced, for convenience, into our own weights and currency.

[Page 218]

Imports into China from foreign countries during the year 1879.



Value.
1. Opium (from India, under monopoly of the British Government, 11,073,333 pounds) $50,700,000
2. Cotton goods (from England and the United States) 31,400,000
3. Woolen goods (chiefly from England) 7,000,000
4. Metals (chiefly from England) 5,700,000
5. Matches (chiefly from Europe) 550,000
6. Kerosene oil (from the United States) 1,000,000
7. Sundries (from all countries) 18,000,000

Total value of all imports $114,350,000

Exports from China to foreign countries during the year 1879.



Value.
1. Tea, 265,000,000 pounds $46,000,000
2. Silk 40,000,000
3. Sugar 3,000,000
4. Sundries 11,200,000

Total value of exports $100,200,000
Value of whole foreign trade, export and import, for the year 1879 $215,000,000

The total quantity of foreign opium imported during the year 1879 reached a figure never attained before, namely, 83,050 piculs (11,073,333 pounds, over 5,000 tons), representing a value of 36,536,617 taels, or about $ 51,000,000, and this formed very nearly one-half of the whole foreign import trade. The amount imported has steadily and rapidly increased from 52,000 peculs in 1864 to 82,000 in 1879. In 1879 the import was 11,000 piculs (one picul, 133⅓ pounds) more than the previous year.

This will show that the use of foreign opium is steadily and rapidly increasing in China. To this is to be added the amount consumed in Hong-Kong, and the amount re-exported thence for the use of the Chinese in California, Australia, and elsewhere; and estimating 21,919 piculs as smuggled from Hong-Kong into China, the customs authorities state that 「the total importation of opium into China would therefore appear to have amounted in 1879 to 104,970 piculs,」 (13,995,000 pounds over 6,000 tons).

This single article (opium) equals in value all the other goods brought to China from foreign countries. Its value is greater than all the tea sent out of China, or all the silk. For the 265,000,000 pounds of tea China sends abroad, she is given 11,000,000 pounds of opium, and still has $5,000,000 to pay for this opium in other goods, the opium being worth nearly $51,000,000 and the tea but $46,000,000.

These figures establish quite enough for my purpose, which is to show that the black stream of pollution which has so long flown out of India into China has been increasing in volume and spreading its baneful influence wider and wider. If this stream be not checked, the world may soon despise China as a nation of opium-smokers, even as Judah was reviled by the prophet for her abominations.

I take it for granted that the ill-effects, physical and moral, of opium-smoking are known and admitted by intelligent and unprejudiced people, and notwithstanding the fine-spun theories of various apologists for the habit, it is enough here to refer to the positive condemnatory testimony of native victims of the habit; to all intelligent and respectable Chinese; to foreigners who have had much experience in the country, and to the united opinion of the foreign medical faculty in China from the earliest date of foreign intercourse to the present. The British Government long ago abandoned its defense of the trade on moral grounds, and now sustain it simply and confessedly for financial reasons.

Your excellencies have appeared in China at this juncture, and while seeking to remedy a misfortune suffered by our country at the hands of the Chinese, you have been mindful to redress a wrong long sustained by China from the United States, for we have been more or less involved in the opium trade in common with other foreign countries. This is an act of common justice and national equity. It fulfills a moral obligation which has rested upon our country to make amends for the wrong which has so long had our tacit and implied approval. The United States by a bold and noble declaration against opium now stand in the right before the world and the God of nations.

It would be premature to forecast the good results which should follow this act. You are aware of the profound effect it has had upon the government at Peking and [Page 219] upon the Viceroy Li. That effect, I feel certain, is not transitory. It has encouraged long deferred hope; confirmed oft-defeated determination; it has nerved the arm of the government with new strength, and we shall see China once again grappling with the monster that is stealing away the prosperity and energies of her people.

I feel proud to belong to a country capable of such an act of magnanimity to a weaker one. It is an act of peace and good-will such as exalts a nation, if we believe Holy Writ, far more than the conquests and triumphs of war; and your excellencies will doubtless come to reflect upon your work, so happily accomplished, with the pleasing consciousness of a great duty performed before God and man in behalf of our country.

I have the honor to be your excellencies』 obedient servant,

WM. N. PETHICK.


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