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毛主席語錄：我沒有敵人

作者：change?  於 2018-1-12 10:38 發表於 最熱鬧的華人社交網路--貝殼村

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中國社會各階級的分析

一九二六·二·一


說明：此文為發表時的原文。上傳版經與《中國社會各階級的分析》（毛選版）相互校對，毛選版刪除的部分，這裡以下劃線標示；毛選版添加、改動的部分，在註釋里標出。


　　誰是我們的敵人？誰是我們的朋友？分不清敵人與朋友，必不是個革命分子，要分清敵人與朋友呢，卻並不是容易[1]。中國革命亘三十年[2]而成效甚少，並不是目的錯，完全是策略錯。所謂策略錯，就是[3]不能團結真正的朋友，以攻擊真正的敵人。所以不能如此，乃是未分清誰是敵人誰是朋友。革命黨是群眾的嚮導。（，）在軍隊中，未有他的嚮導領錯了路而可以打勝仗，在革命運動中，未有革命黨領錯了路而這個革命可以不失敗[4]。我們都是革命黨，都是給群眾領路的人，都是群眾的嚮導。但我們不可不自問一句：我們有這個本領沒有？我們不至於領了群眾到失敗的路上去么？我們一定可以成功嗎？要有[5]「不領錯了路」和「一定成功」的把握，不可不致謹於一個重要的策略。要決定這個策略，就要首先分清楚誰是敵人誰是朋友[6]。國民黨第一次全國大會宣言，就是宣告這個策略的決定和敵友的分辨。但這個宣言極其簡單。我們要認識這重要的策略，要[7]分辨那真正的敵友，不可不將中國社會各階級的經濟地位，階級性，人數及其對於革命的態度，作一個大概的分析。
　　無論那一個國內，天造地設，都有三等人，上等，中等，下等。詳細分析則有五等，大資產階級，中產階級，小資產階級，半無產階級，無產階級。拿農村說：大地主是大資產階級，小地主是中產階級，自耕農是小資產階級，半自耕佃農是半無產階級，僱農是無產階級。拿都市說：大銀行家，大商業家，大工業家是大資產階級，錢莊主，中等商人，小工廠主是中產階級，小商人手工業主是小資產階級，店員小販手工業工人是半無產階級，產業工人苦力是無產階級。五鍾人各有不同的經濟地位，各有不同的階級性。因此對於現代的革命，乃發生反革命，半反革命，對革命守中立，參加革命和為革命的主力軍種種不同的態度。
　　中國各階級對於民族革命的態度，與歐西資本主義國內各階級於社會革命的態度，幾乎完全一樣。看來好似奇怪，實際並不奇怪。因為現代的革命本是一個，其目的與手段均相同，即同以打倒國際資本帝國主義為目的，同以被壓迫民族被壓迫階級聯合作戰為手段，這是現代革命異乎歷史上一切革命之最大的特點。
　　我們試看中國社會各階級[8]是怎麼樣[9]。（？）
　　第一，大資產階級[10]。經濟落後[11]半殖民地的中國，大資產階級[12]完全[13]國際資產階級的附庸，其生存和發展的要件，即[14]附屬於帝國主義[15]。如買辦階級——與外資有密切關係之銀行家（陸宗輿陳廉伯等）商業家（如唐紹儀何東等），工業家（如張謇盛恩熙等），
　　大地主（如張作霖陳恭受等）
　　官僚（如孫寶琦顏惠慶等）
　　軍閥（如張作霖曹錕等）
　　反動派知識階級——上列四種人之附屬物，如買辦性質的銀行工商業高等員司，財閥，政府之高等事務員，政客，一部分東西洋留學生，一部分大學校專門學校的教授和學生，大律師等都是這一類。這一個階級[16]與（和）民族[17]革命之（的）目的完全不相容，（。）始終[18]站在帝國主義一邊，乃[19]極端的反革命派。[20]其人數大概不出一百萬即四萬萬人中四百分之一，乃民族革命運動中之死敵，
　　第二，中產階級。
　　華資銀行工商階級（因在經濟落後的中國，本國資本銀行工商業的發展尚限在中產階級地位。所謂銀行業乃指小銀行及錢莊，工業乃指小規模的工廠，商業乃指國貨商。凡是大規模銀行工商業無不與外國資本有關係，只能算入買辦階級內。）
　　小地主
　　許多高等知識分子——華商銀行工商業之從業員，大部分東西洋留學生，大部分大學校專門學校教授和學生，小律師等都是這一類。這個階級的慾望為欲達到大資產階級的地位，然受外資打擊軍閥壓迫不能發展。↘這個階級[21]對於民族[22]革命乃取了[23]矛盾的態度。（：）即其受[24]外資打擊，軍閥壓迫感覺痛苦時，需要革命，贊成反帝國主義反軍閥的革命運動。（；）但因，現在的革命運動[25]，在國內有本國無產階級的勇猛參加，在國外有國際無產階級的積極援助，對於其欲達到大資產階級地位的階級的發展及存在，感覺著威脅[26]，又[27]懷疑革命。這個階級即所謂民族資產階級，其政治的主張為國家主義——實現民族資產階級一階級統治的國家。有一個[28]戴季陶的「真實信徒」[29]（其自稱如此）〈，〉在北京晨報[30]上發表議論說：「舉起左手[31]打倒帝國主義！（，）舉起你的右手，打倒共產黨！（。）」[32]乃活畫出[33]這個階級的矛盾惶遽態度[34]。他們反對以階級爭鬥說[35]解釋民生主義[36]，反對[37]國民黨聯俄及（和）容納共產派分子[38]。但[39]這個階級的企圖——實現民族資產階級統治的國家，是完全不行[40]，因為現在世界上[41]局面，乃[42]革命[43]反革命兩大勢力作最後爭鬥[44]的局面。這兩大勢力豎起[45]兩面大旗；（：）一面是赤[46]色的革命的大旗，第三國際高舉著，號召全世界被壓迫民族被壓迫[47]階級集合於其旗幟之下，站在一邊；一面是白色的反革命的大旗，國際聯盟高舉著，號召全世界反革命分子[48]都集[49]於其旗幟之下，站在另一邊。那些中間階級，在西洋如所謂第二國際等類，在中國如所謂國家主義派等類，必須趕快的[50]分化，或者向左跑入革命派，或者向右跑入反革命派，沒有他們「獨立」的餘地。所以〈，〉中國的中產階級〈，〉以[51]本階級利益為主體的「獨立」革命思想，僅僅是個[52]幻想。他們現在雖然還站在半反革命的地位，他們現在雖然還不是我們正面的敵人，但到他們感覺工農階級的威脅日甚時，即是為了工農階級的利益迫他們讓步稍多時（如農村中的減租運動都市中的罷工運動）他們或他們的一部分（中產階級右翼）一定會站入帝國主義一邊，一定變為完全的反革命，一定要成為我們正面的敵人。本來買辦階級與非買辦階級，有一部分是未能截然畫分清楚的。以商業論，固然許多商人是洋貨商土貨商劃分的很清楚，但是在有些商店的店門內，是一部分擺設著土貨，一部分又擺設著洋貨。以知識階級論，以小地主子弟的資格赴東洋資本主義國家讀書的留學生，固然是很顯明的除了半身土氣之外，又帶上了半身洋氣。即以小地主子弟的資格在國內專門學校大學校讀書受著那半土半洋回國留學生的熏陶，仍然不免是些半身土氣半身洋氣的腳色。在這類人並不是純民族的資產階級性質，可以叫他們做「半民族資產階級」。這種乃是中產階級右翼，只要國民革命的爭鬥加緊，這種人一定很快的跑入帝國主義軍閥的隊伍里，和著買辦階級做著很好的夥伴。中產階級左翼，即與帝國主義完全無緣者，此派在某種時候（如抵制外貨潮流高漲時）頗有革命性。但其夙持之空虛的「和平」觀念極不易破，而且對於所謂「赤化」時時懷著恐慌，故其對於革命極易妥協，不能持久。故中國的中產階級，無論其右翼，即其左翼，也包含許多危險成分，斷不能望其勇敢地跑上革命的路，跟著其餘的階級忠實地做革命事業，除開少數歷史和環境都有特別情況的人。中產階級的人數，在全國內至多每百個人裡頭有一個（百分之一）即四百萬人。
　　第三，小資產階級。如
　　↘自耕農〈，〉
　　小商
　　↘手工業主〈，〉
　　小知識階級[53]——小員司，事務員，中學學生，及中小學教員，小律師等[54]
　　↘都屬於這一類。這一個階級，在人數上，在階級性上，都值得大大注意。[55]小資產的人數，單是自耕農，就有一萬萬至一萬二千萬，小商人手工業主，知識階級，大概自二千萬至三千萬，合計達一萬三千萬，這個階級[56]雖然同在[57]小資產階級之經濟地位，但實有三個不同的部分。第一部分：是有餘錢剩米的，即用其體力或腦力勞動所得，除自給外，每年還有餘剩，（。）用以造成所謂資本的初步積累。這種人「發財」觀念極重，雖[58]不妄想發大財，卻總想爬上那中產階級地位。他們看見那些受人尊敬的小財東，往往垂著一尺長[59]涎水，（。）對於趙公元帥（俗財神）禮拜最勤。這種人膽子極小，他們怕官，也有點怕革命。因為他們的經濟地位與（和）中產階級頗接近，故對於中產階級的宣傳頗相信，對於革命取懷疑的態度。但是這一部分人在小資產[60]中佔少數，大概不及小資產階級全數百分之十約一千五百萬，乃[61]小資產階級的右翼。第二部分是恰足自給的[62]，（。）每年收支恰足相抵不多不少，這部分人[63]比較第一部分人大不相同，他們也想發財，但是趙公元帥總不讓他們發財，隨著[64]近年[65]帝國主義〈、〉軍閥〈、〉大中資產階級[66]的壓迫和剝削，使他們感覺現在的世界已經不是從前的世界。他們感覺得現在如果只使用從前相等的勞力[67]，就會不能維持生活。必須增加勞動時間，即每天起早晨[68]，對於職業加倍注意，才能[69]維持生活，（。）他們有點罵人了：（，）他們罵洋人叫「洋鬼子」，罵軍閥叫「搶錢司令」〈，〉罵土豪劣紳叫「為富不仁」。對於反帝國主義反軍閥的運動，僅懷疑其未必能成功，理由是：「洋人和司令的來頭那麼大」[70]，不肯貿然參加，取了中立的態度，但[71]絕不反對革命。這一部分人數甚多，大概[72]小資產[73]的一半「十分之五」即七千五百萬。第三部分是每年要虧本[74]的。這一部分人，好些大概原先本是所謂殷實人家，漸漸變的（得）僅僅保等[75]，漸漸變的（得）要虧本[76]了。他們每逢年終結賬一次，就吃驚一次，說〈：〉「咳！（，）又虧了！」這種人因為他們從前[77]過著好日子，後來逐年下降，負債漸多，漸次過著凄涼的日子，「瞻念前途，不寒而慄」。這種人在精神上感覺的痛苦比一切人大[78]，因為他們有一個從前與（和）現在相反的比較。這種人在革命運動中頗要緊，頗有推革命的力量。其人數佔小資產階級中百分之四拾即六千萬——一個不小的[79]群眾，乃[80]小資產階級的左翼。以上說[81]小資產階級的三部分〈，〉對於革命的態度〈，〉在平時各不相同，（；）但到戰時〈，〉即[82]革命潮流高漲〈、〉可以看得見勝利的曙光時，不但小資產階級的左派參加革命；（，）中派亦可參加革命；（，）即右派分子受了無產階級及（和）小資產[83]左派的革命大潮所裹挾，也只得附和[84]著革命。我們從五三十運動[85]和兩年來各地農民運動的經驗看來，這個漸定[86]是不錯的。
　　第四，半無產階級。此處所謂半無產階級，乃包含〈：〉
　　↘（1（一））半自耕農[87]
　　（2）半益農
　　↘（3（二））貧農〈，〉
　　↘（4（三））手工業工人[88]
　　↘（5（四））店員〈，〉
　　↘（6（五））小販
　　↘之六種[89]。半自耕農的數目，在中國農民中大概佔五千萬，半益農貧農大概各佔六千萬，三種共計一萬七千萬，乃[90]農村中一個極大[91]群眾，（。）所謂農民問題，一大半[92]就是他們的問題，（。）這三種農民[93]雖同屬半無產階級，然[94]經濟狀況仍有上〈、〉中〈、〉下三個細別。在半自耕農，其生活苦於自耕農，因其食糧每年有[95]一半不夠，須種[96]別人田地〈，〉或者作工或營小商[97]〈，〉以資彌補。春夏之間，青黃不接，高利向別人借貸[98]，重價向別人糶糧，較之自耕農之（的）不[99]求於人，自然境遇[100]要苦。（，）然[101]優於半益農[102]。因[103]半益農[104]無土地，每年耕種只得收穫之一半[105]：（，）半自耕農則租於別人的部分雖只收穫一半，或且不足一半，然自有的部分卻可全獲（得），（。）故半自耕農之（的）革命性優於自耕農而不及半益農[106]。半益農與貧農都是鄉村[107]的佃農，同受地主的剝削，（。）然[108]經濟地位頗有分別[109]。半益農[110]無土地，然有比較充足之（的）農具及（和）相當數目[111]的流動資本[112]。此種農人[113]，每年勞動結果〈，〉自己可以得到一半。不足部分，種[114]雜糧，（、）撈魚蝦，（、）飼雞豕，勉強[115]維持其生活。（，）於艱難竭蹶之中，存聊以卒歲之想。故其生活苦於半自耕農，然較貧農[116]為優。其革命性〈，〉則優於半自耕農而不及貧農[117]。貧農[118]〈，〉既[119]無充足的農具，又無流動的資本[120]，肥料不足，田地[121]歉收，送租之外，所得無幾。[122]荒時暴月，向親友乞哀告憐，借得幾斗幾升，敷衍三日五日。（，）債務叢雜[123]，如牛負重。乃[124]農民中之極艱苦者，極易接受革命的宣傳。手工業工人[125]所以稱為半無產階級，因其自有工具[126]，且系一種自由職業，其[127]經濟地位略與農村中半益農[128]相當。因[129]家庭負擔之重，工資與（和）生活物價[130]之不相稱，時有貧困的壓迫或（和）失業的恐慌，與（和）半益農[131]亦大致相同。店員乃[132]中小商人[133]的僱員，以微薄的薪資，供事畜的費用[134]，物價年年增漲[135]，而新例[136]往往須數年一更[137]，偶與此輩傾談，便見叫苦不迭。其地位與（和）手工業工人[138]不相上下，對於革命宣傳極易接受，（。）小販不論是肩挑叫賣〈，〉或街畔攤售，總之本小利微，吃著不夠，（。）其地位與（和）貧農不相上下，其需要一個變更現狀的革命，也和貧農相同。手工業工人人數，大概佔全人口百分之六即二千四百萬人，店員大概有五百萬，小販大概有一百萬，合起半自耕農，半益農，佃農——人數，半無產階級人數共計約二萬萬佔全人口之一半。
　　第五 無產階級其種類及人數如下：（。）
　　↘工業[139]無產階級——約二百萬[140]：（。）
　　都市苦力——約三百萬：
　　農業無產階級——約二千萬：
　　共約四千五百萬。↘中國因經濟落後，故產業工人（工業[141]無產階級）不多[142]。二百萬[143]產業工人之中，主要為鐵路，（、）礦山，（、）海運，（、）紡織，（、）造船五種產業[144]，而大多數[145]在外資產業之下[146]。故工業無產階級雖不多[147]，卻做了民族革命運動的主力[148]。我們看四年以來的罷工運動，如海員罷工，（、）鐵路罷工，（、）開灤，及（和）焦作煤礦罷工，（、）及[149]五三十[150]后，上海，香港，兩處之（的）大罷工所表現的力量，就可知工業無產階級在民族革命[151]中所處地位的重要。他們所以能如此，第一個原因是集中。無論那種人都不如他們[152]「有組織的集中」。第二個原因，是經濟地位低下，（。）他們失了工具[153]〈，〉剩下兩只手，絕了發財的望，又受著帝國主義，（、）軍閥，（、）買辦階級[154]，（的）極慘酷[155]的待遇，所以他們特別能奮鬥[156]。都市苦力[157]的力量也很可注意，（。）以碼頭搬運夫及（和）人力車夫占大多數，糞夫清道夫等都[158]屬於這一類。他們除一雙手外，別無長物，其經濟地位與（和）產業工人相似，惟不及其有組織的[159]集中及（和）在生產力上的重要。中國尚少新式[160]資本主義的農業，（。）所謂農業[161]無產階級，乃[162]指長工，（、）月工，（、）零工等僱農而言。此等僱農，不僅無土地，無農具，又無絲毫流動資本[163]，故只得營工度日。其勞動時間之長，工資之少，待遇之薄，職業之不安定，超過其他工人。此種人在鄉村中乃[164]最感困難者，在農民運動中，與（和）貧農處於同一要緊的[165]地位。（改）遊民無產階級[166]〈，〉為失了土地的農民與（和）失了工作機會的手工業工人，（。）其人數在二千萬以上，乃國內兵爭匪禍的根原，此遊民無產階級中最多者為匪，其次為兵，次為乞丐，次為盜賊與娼妓。他們乃[167]人類生活中最不安定者，（。）他們在各地都有秘密的組織：（，）如閩，粵，的「三合會」。（，）湘，鄂，黔，蜀，的「哥老會」。（，）皖，豫，魯，等省的「大刀會」。（，）直隸，及東三省的「在理會」，上海等處的「青紅幫」，都做了[168]他們[169]政治和經濟爭鬥[170]的互助機關[171]。處置這一批人〈，〉乃[172]中國最大最難的問題[173]。中國有兩個問題：一個是貧乏，又一個是失業，故若解決了失業問題，就算是解決了中國問題的一半，這一批人很能勇敢奮鬥，引導得法[174]〈，〉可以變成一種革命力量。
　　綜上所述，列表如左：〔《選集》沒有下面的列表。〕

階級　人數對於革命的態度
大資產階級一百萬極端反革命
中資產階級四百萬右翼鄰於反革命，左翼有時可參加革命，但與敵人妥協，全體看來是半反革命。
小資產階級富資部分——右翼千五百萬平時近似中產階級之半反革命，戰時，可附和革命。
自足部分——中央七千五百萬平時中立，戰時參加。
不足部分——左翼六千萬歡迎
　六千萬五千萬　
半無產階級半自耕農五千萬參加
半益農六千萬積極參加
貧農六千萬勇敢奮鬥
手工業工人二千四百萬同半益農
店員五百萬同半益農
小販一百萬同貧農
　共二萬萬　
無產階級工業無產階級二百萬主力軍
都市苦力三百萬次手工業無產階級的主力軍
農業無產階級二千萬勇敢奮鬥
遊民無產階級二千萬可引為革命的力量
　共四千五百萬　

　　誰是敵人誰是朋友？我們現在可以答覆了。一切[175]勾結帝國主義的軍閥〈、〉官僚，（、）買辦階級，（、）大地主，反動的知識階級即所謂中國大資產階級[176]，乃是我們的敵人，（。）乃是我們真正的敵人：一切小資產階級，半無產階級，無產階級[177]乃是我們的[178]朋友，乃是我們真正的朋友。那搖動[179]不定的中產階級，其右翼應該把他當做[180]我們的敵人〈，〉——即現時非敵人也去敵人不遠：其左翼可以[181]把他當做我們的朋友——但不是真正的朋友；我們要時常提防他[182]。（，）不要讓他[183]亂[184]了我們的陣線！（。）我們真正的朋友有多少？有三萬萬九千五百萬。我們的真正敵人有多少？有一百萬。那可友可敵的中間派有多少？有四百萬。讓這四百萬算做敵人，也不枉他們有一個五百萬人的團體，依然抵不住三萬萬九千五百萬人的一鋪唾沫。
　　三萬萬九千五百萬人團結起來！

　　○《中國農民》一卷二期 中國國民黨中央執行委員會農民部 一九二六·二·一
　　《中國青年》一一六/七期 中國青年社 一九二六·三·一三


中國社會各階級的分析

一九二六·二·一


說明：此文為發表時的原文。上傳版經與《中國社會各階級的分析》（毛選版）相互校對，毛選版刪除的部分，這裡以下劃線標示；毛選版添加、改動的部分，在註釋里標出。


　　誰是我們的敵人？誰是我們的朋友？分不清敵人與朋友，必不是個革命分子，要分清敵人與朋友呢，卻並不是容易[1]。中國革命亘三十年[2]而成效甚少，並不是目的錯，完全是策略錯。所謂策略錯，就是[3]不能團結真正的朋友，以攻擊真正的敵人。所以不能如此，乃是未分清誰是敵人誰是朋友。革命黨是群眾的嚮導。（，）在軍隊中，未有他的嚮導領錯了路而可以打勝仗，在革命運動中，未有革命黨領錯了路而這個革命可以不失敗[4]。我們都是革命黨，都是給群眾領路的人，都是群眾的嚮導。但我們不可不自問一句：我們有這個本領沒有？我們不至於領了群眾到失敗的路上去么？我們一定可以成功嗎？要有[5]「不領錯了路」和「一定成功」的把握，不可不致謹於一個重要的策略。要決定這個策略，就要首先分清楚誰是敵人誰是朋友[6]。國民黨第一次全國大會宣言，就是宣告這個策略的決定和敵友的分辨。但這個宣言極其簡單。我們要認識這重要的策略，要[7]分辨那真正的敵友，不可不將中國社會各階級的經濟地位，階級性，人數及其對於革命的態度，作一個大概的分析。
　　無論那一個國內，天造地設，都有三等人，上等，中等，下等。詳細分析則有五等，大資產階級，中產階級，小資產階級，半無產階級，無產階級。拿農村說：大地主是大資產階級，小地主是中產階級，自耕農是小資產階級，半自耕佃農是半無產階級，僱農是無產階級。拿都市說：大銀行家，大商業家，大工業家是大資產階級，錢莊主，中等商人，小工廠主是中產階級，小商人手工業主是小資產階級，店員小販手工業工人是半無產階級，產業工人苦力是無產階級。五鍾人各有不同的經濟地位，各有不同的階級性。因此對於現代的革命，乃發生反革命，半反革命，對革命守中立，參加革命和為革命的主力軍種種不同的態度。
　　中國各階級對於民族革命的態度，與歐西資本主義國內各階級於社會革命的態度，幾乎完全一樣。看來好似奇怪，實際並不奇怪。因為現代的革命本是一個，其目的與手段均相同，即同以打倒國際資本帝國主義為目的，同以被壓迫民族被壓迫階級聯合作戰為手段，這是現代革命異乎歷史上一切革命之最大的特點。
　　我們試看中國社會各階級[8]是怎麼樣[9]。（？）
　　第一，大資產階級[10]。經濟落後[11]半殖民地的中國，大資產階級[12]完全[13]國際資產階級的附庸，其生存和發展的要件，即[14]附屬於帝國主義[15]。如買辦階級——與外資有密切關係之銀行家（陸宗輿陳廉伯等）商業家（如唐紹儀何東等），工業家（如張謇盛恩熙等），
　　大地主（如張作霖陳恭受等）
　　官僚（如孫寶琦顏惠慶等）
　　軍閥（如張作霖曹錕等）
　　反動派知識階級——上列四種人之附屬物，如買辦性質的銀行工商業高等員司，財閥，政府之高等事務員，政客，一部分東西洋留學生，一部分大學校專門學校的教授和學生，大律師等都是這一類。這一個階級[16]與（和）民族[17]革命之（的）目的完全不相容，（。）始終[18]站在帝國主義一邊，乃[19]極端的反革命派。[20]其人數大概不出一百萬即四萬萬人中四百分之一，乃民族革命運動中之死敵，
　　第二，中產階級。
　　華資銀行工商階級（因在經濟落後的中國，本國資本銀行工商業的發展尚限在中產階級地位。所謂銀行業乃指小銀行及錢莊，工業乃指小規模的工廠，商業乃指國貨商。凡是大規模銀行工商業無不與外國資本有關係，只能算入買辦階級內。）
　　小地主
　　許多高等知識分子——華商銀行工商業之從業員，大部分東西洋留學生，大部分大學校專門學校教授和學生，小律師等都是這一類。這個階級的慾望為欲達到大資產階級的地位，然受外資打擊軍閥壓迫不能發展。↘這個階級[21]對於民族[22]革命乃取了[23]矛盾的態度。（：）即其受[24]外資打擊，軍閥壓迫感覺痛苦時，需要革命，贊成反帝國主義反軍閥的革命運動。（；）但因，現在的革命運動[25]，在國內有本國無產階級的勇猛參加，在國外有國際無產階級的積極援助，對於其欲達到大資產階級地位的階級的發展及存在，感覺著威脅[26]，又[27]懷疑革命。這個階級即所謂民族資產階級，其政治的主張為國家主義——實現民族資產階級一階級統治的國家。有一個[28]戴季陶的「真實信徒」[29]（其自稱如此）〈，〉在北京晨報[30]上發表議論說：「舉起左手[31]打倒帝國主義！（，）舉起你的右手，打倒共產黨！（。）」[32]乃活畫出[33]這個階級的矛盾惶遽態度[34]。他們反對以階級爭鬥說[35]解釋民生主義[36]，反對[37]國民黨聯俄及（和）容納共產派分子[38]。但[39]這個階級的企圖——實現民族資產階級統治的國家，是完全不行[40]，因為現在世界上[41]局面，乃[42]革命[43]反革命兩大勢力作最後爭鬥[44]的局面。這兩大勢力豎起[45]兩面大旗；（：）一面是赤[46]色的革命的大旗，第三國際高舉著，號召全世界被壓迫民族被壓迫[47]階級集合於其旗幟之下，站在一邊；一面是白色的反革命的大旗，國際聯盟高舉著，號召全世界反革命分子[48]都集[49]於其旗幟之下，站在另一邊。那些中間階級，在西洋如所謂第二國際等類，在中國如所謂國家主義派等類，必須趕快的[50]分化，或者向左跑入革命派，或者向右跑入反革命派，沒有他們「獨立」的餘地。所以〈，〉中國的中產階級〈，〉以[51]本階級利益為主體的「獨立」革命思想，僅僅是個[52]幻想。他們現在雖然還站在半反革命的地位，他們現在雖然還不是我們正面的敵人，但到他們感覺工農階級的威脅日甚時，即是為了工農階級的利益迫他們讓步稍多時（如農村中的減租運動都市中的罷工運動）他們或他們的一部分（中產階級右翼）一定會站入帝國主義一邊，一定變為完全的反革命，一定要成為我們正面的敵人。本來買辦階級與非買辦階級，有一部分是未能截然畫分清楚的。以商業論，固然許多商人是洋貨商土貨商劃分的很清楚，但是在有些商店的店門內，是一部分擺設著土貨，一部分又擺設著洋貨。以知識階級論，以小地主子弟的資格赴東洋資本主義國家讀書的留學生，固然是很顯明的除了半身土氣之外，又帶上了半身洋氣。即以小地主子弟的資格在國內專門學校大學校讀書受著那半土半洋回國留學生的熏陶，仍然不免是些半身土氣半身洋氣的腳色。在這類人並不是純民族的資產階級性質，可以叫他們做「半民族資產階級」。這種乃是中產階級右翼，只要國民革命的爭鬥加緊，這種人一定很快的跑入帝國主義軍閥的隊伍里，和著買辦階級做著很好的夥伴。中產階級左翼，即與帝國主義完全無緣者，此派在某種時候（如抵制外貨潮流高漲時）頗有革命性。但其夙持之空虛的「和平」觀念極不易破，而且對於所謂「赤化」時時懷著恐慌，故其對於革命極易妥協，不能持久。故中國的中產階級，無論其右翼，即其左翼，也包含許多危險成分，斷不能望其勇敢地跑上革命的路，跟著其餘的階級忠實地做革命事業，除開少數歷史和環境都有特別情況的人。中產階級的人數，在全國內至多每百個人裡頭有一個（百分之一）即四百萬人。
　　第三，小資產階級。如
　　↘自耕農〈，〉
　　小商
　　↘手工業主〈，〉
　　小知識階級[53]——小員司，事務員，中學學生，及中小學教員，小律師等[54]
　　↘都屬於這一類。這一個階級，在人數上，在階級性上，都值得大大注意。[55]小資產的人數，單是自耕農，就有一萬萬至一萬二千萬，小商人手工業主，知識階級，大概自二千萬至三千萬，合計達一萬三千萬，這個階級[56]雖然同在[57]小資產階級之經濟地位，但實有三個不同的部分。第一部分：是有餘錢剩米的，即用其體力或腦力勞動所得，除自給外，每年還有餘剩，（。）用以造成所謂資本的初步積累。這種人「發財」觀念極重，雖[58]不妄想發大財，卻總想爬上那中產階級地位。他們看見那些受人尊敬的小財東，往往垂著一尺長[59]涎水，（。）對於趙公元帥（俗財神）禮拜最勤。這種人膽子極小，他們怕官，也有點怕革命。因為他們的經濟地位與（和）中產階級頗接近，故對於中產階級的宣傳頗相信，對於革命取懷疑的態度。但是這一部分人在小資產[60]中佔少數，大概不及小資產階級全數百分之十約一千五百萬，乃[61]小資產階級的右翼。第二部分是恰足自給的[62]，（。）每年收支恰足相抵不多不少，這部分人[63]比較第一部分人大不相同，他們也想發財，但是趙公元帥總不讓他們發財，隨著[64]近年[65]帝國主義〈、〉軍閥〈、〉大中資產階級[66]的壓迫和剝削，使他們感覺現在的世界已經不是從前的世界。他們感覺得現在如果只使用從前相等的勞力[67]，就會不能維持生活。必須增加勞動時間，即每天起早晨[68]，對於職業加倍注意，才能[69]維持生活，（。）他們有點罵人了：（，）他們罵洋人叫「洋鬼子」，罵軍閥叫「搶錢司令」〈，〉罵土豪劣紳叫「為富不仁」。對於反帝國主義反軍閥的運動，僅懷疑其未必能成功，理由是：「洋人和司令的來頭那麼大」[70]，不肯貿然參加，取了中立的態度，但[71]絕不反對革命。這一部分人數甚多，大概[72]小資產[73]的一半「十分之五」即七千五百萬。第三部分是每年要虧本[74]的。這一部分人，好些大概原先本是所謂殷實人家，漸漸變的（得）僅僅保等[75]，漸漸變的（得）要虧本[76]了。他們每逢年終結賬一次，就吃驚一次，說〈：〉「咳！（，）又虧了！」這種人因為他們從前[77]過著好日子，後來逐年下降，負債漸多，漸次過著凄涼的日子，「瞻念前途，不寒而慄」。這種人在精神上感覺的痛苦比一切人大[78]，因為他們有一個從前與（和）現在相反的比較。這種人在革命運動中頗要緊，頗有推革命的力量。其人數佔小資產階級中百分之四拾即六千萬——一個不小的[79]群眾，乃[80]小資產階級的左翼。以上說[81]小資產階級的三部分〈，〉對於革命的態度〈，〉在平時各不相同，（；）但到戰時〈，〉即[82]革命潮流高漲〈、〉可以看得見勝利的曙光時，不但小資產階級的左派參加革命；（，）中派亦可參加革命；（，）即右派分子受了無產階級及（和）小資產[83]左派的革命大潮所裹挾，也只得附和[84]著革命。我們從五三十運動[85]和兩年來各地農民運動的經驗看來，這個漸定[86]是不錯的。
　　第四，半無產階級。此處所謂半無產階級，乃包含〈：〉
　　↘（1（一））半自耕農[87]
　　（2）半益農
　　↘（3（二））貧農〈，〉
　　↘（4（三））手工業工人[88]
　　↘（5（四））店員〈，〉
　　↘（6（五））小販
　　↘之六種[89]。半自耕農的數目，在中國農民中大概佔五千萬，半益農貧農大概各佔六千萬，三種共計一萬七千萬，乃[90]農村中一個極大[91]群眾，（。）所謂農民問題，一大半[92]就是他們的問題，（。）這三種農民[93]雖同屬半無產階級，然[94]經濟狀況仍有上〈、〉中〈、〉下三個細別。在半自耕農，其生活苦於自耕農，因其食糧每年有[95]一半不夠，須種[96]別人田地〈，〉或者作工或營小商[97]〈，〉以資彌補。春夏之間，青黃不接，高利向別人借貸[98]，重價向別人糶糧，較之自耕農之（的）不[99]求於人，自然境遇[100]要苦。（，）然[101]優於半益農[102]。因[103]半益農[104]無土地，每年耕種只得收穫之一半[105]：（，）半自耕農則租於別人的部分雖只收穫一半，或且不足一半，然自有的部分卻可全獲（得），（。）故半自耕農之（的）革命性優於自耕農而不及半益農[106]。半益農與貧農都是鄉村[107]的佃農，同受地主的剝削，（。）然[108]經濟地位頗有分別[109]。半益農[110]無土地，然有比較充足之（的）農具及（和）相當數目[111]的流動資本[112]。此種農人[113]，每年勞動結果〈，〉自己可以得到一半。不足部分，種[114]雜糧，（、）撈魚蝦，（、）飼雞豕，勉強[115]維持其生活。（，）於艱難竭蹶之中，存聊以卒歲之想。故其生活苦於半自耕農，然較貧農[116]為優。其革命性〈，〉則優於半自耕農而不及貧農[117]。貧農[118]〈，〉既[119]無充足的農具，又無流動的資本[120]，肥料不足，田地[121]歉收，送租之外，所得無幾。[122]荒時暴月，向親友乞哀告憐，借得幾斗幾升，敷衍三日五日。（，）債務叢雜[123]，如牛負重。乃[124]農民中之極艱苦者，極易接受革命的宣傳。手工業工人[125]所以稱為半無產階級，因其自有工具[126]，且系一種自由職業，其[127]經濟地位略與農村中半益農[128]相當。因[129]家庭負擔之重，工資與（和）生活物價[130]之不相稱，時有貧困的壓迫或（和）失業的恐慌，與（和）半益農[131]亦大致相同。店員乃[132]中小商人[133]的僱員，以微薄的薪資，供事畜的費用[134]，物價年年增漲[135]，而新例[136]往往須數年一更[137]，偶與此輩傾談，便見叫苦不迭。其地位與（和）手工業工人[138]不相上下，對於革命宣傳極易接受，（。）小販不論是肩挑叫賣〈，〉或街畔攤售，總之本小利微，吃著不夠，（。）其地位與（和）貧農不相上下，其需要一個變更現狀的革命，也和貧農相同。手工業工人人數，大概佔全人口百分之六即二千四百萬人，店員大概有五百萬，小販大概有一百萬，合起半自耕農，半益農，佃農——人數，半無產階級人數共計約二萬萬佔全人口之一半。
　　第五 無產階級其種類及人數如下：（。）
　　↘工業[139]無產階級——約二百萬[140]：（。）
　　都市苦力——約三百萬：
　　農業無產階級——約二千萬：
　　共約四千五百萬。↘中國因經濟落後，故產業工人（工業[141]無產階級）不多[142]。二百萬[143]產業工人之中，主要為鐵路，（、）礦山，（、）海運，（、）紡織，（、）造船五種產業[144]，而大多數[145]在外資產業之下[146]。故工業無產階級雖不多[147]，卻做了民族革命運動的主力[148]。我們看四年以來的罷工運動，如海員罷工，（、）鐵路罷工，（、）開灤，及（和）焦作煤礦罷工，（、）及[149]五三十[150]后，上海，香港，兩處之（的）大罷工所表現的力量，就可知工業無產階級在民族革命[151]中所處地位的重要。他們所以能如此，第一個原因是集中。無論那種人都不如他們[152]「有組織的集中」。第二個原因，是經濟地位低下，（。）他們失了工具[153]〈，〉剩下兩只手，絕了發財的望，又受著帝國主義，（、）軍閥，（、）買辦階級[154]，（的）極慘酷[155]的待遇，所以他們特別能奮鬥[156]。都市苦力[157]的力量也很可注意，（。）以碼頭搬運夫及（和）人力車夫占大多數，糞夫清道夫等都[158]屬於這一類。他們除一雙手外，別無長物，其經濟地位與（和）產業工人相似，惟不及其有組織的[159]集中及（和）在生產力上的重要。中國尚少新式[160]資本主義的農業，（。）所謂農業[161]無產階級，乃[162]指長工，（、）月工，（、）零工等僱農而言。此等僱農，不僅無土地，無農具，又無絲毫流動資本[163]，故只得營工度日。其勞動時間之長，工資之少，待遇之薄，職業之不安定，超過其他工人。此種人在鄉村中乃[164]最感困難者，在農民運動中，與（和）貧農處於同一要緊的[165]地位。（改）遊民無產階級[166]〈，〉為失了土地的農民與（和）失了工作機會的手工業工人，（。）其人數在二千萬以上，乃國內兵爭匪禍的根原，此遊民無產階級中最多者為匪，其次為兵，次為乞丐，次為盜賊與娼妓。他們乃[167]人類生活中最不安定者，（。）他們在各地都有秘密的組織：（，）如閩，粵，的「三合會」。（，）湘，鄂，黔，蜀，的「哥老會」。（，）皖，豫，魯，等省的「大刀會」。（，）直隸，及東三省的「在理會」，上海等處的「青紅幫」，都做了[168]他們[169]政治和經濟爭鬥[170]的互助機關[171]。處置這一批人〈，〉乃[172]中國最大最難的問題[173]。中國有兩個問題：一個是貧乏，又一個是失業，故若解決了失業問題，就算是解決了中國問題的一半，這一批人很能勇敢奮鬥，引導得法[174]〈，〉可以變成一種革命力量。
　　綜上所述，列表如左：〔《選集》沒有下面的列表。〕

階級　人數對於革命的態度
大資產階級一百萬極端反革命
中資產階級四百萬右翼鄰於反革命，左翼有時可參加革命，但與敵人妥協，全體看來是半反革命。
小資產階級富資部分——右翼千五百萬平時近似中產階級之半反革命，戰時，可附和革命。
自足部分——中央七千五百萬平時中立，戰時參加。
不足部分——左翼六千萬歡迎
　六千萬五千萬　
半無產階級半自耕農五千萬參加
半益農六千萬積極參加
貧農六千萬勇敢奮鬥
手工業工人二千四百萬同半益農
店員五百萬同半益農
小販一百萬同貧農
　共二萬萬　
無產階級工業無產階級二百萬主力軍
都市苦力三百萬次手工業無產階級的主力軍
農業無產階級二千萬勇敢奮鬥
遊民無產階級二千萬可引為革命的力量
　共四千五百萬　

　　誰是敵人誰是朋友？我們現在可以答覆了。一切[175]勾結帝國主義的軍閥〈、〉官僚，（、）買辦階級，（、）大地主，反動的知識階級即所謂中國大資產階級[176]，乃是我們的敵人，（。）乃是我們真正的敵人：一切小資產階級，半無產階級，無產階級[177]乃是我們的[178]朋友，乃是我們真正的朋友。那搖動[179]不定的中產階級，其右翼應該把他當做[180]我們的敵人〈，〉——即現時非敵人也去敵人不遠：其左翼可以[181]把他當做我們的朋友——但不是真正的朋友；我們要時常提防他[182]。（，）不要讓他[183]亂[184]了我們的陣線！（。）我們真正的朋友有多少？有三萬萬九千五百萬。我們的真正敵人有多少？有一百萬。那可友可敵的中間派有多少？有四百萬。讓這四百萬算做敵人，也不枉他們有一個五百萬人的團體，依然抵不住三萬萬九千五百萬人的一鋪唾沫。
　　三萬萬九千五百萬人團結起來！

　　○《中國農民》一卷二期 中國國民黨中央執行委員會農民部 一九二六·二·一
　　《中國青年》一一六/七期 中國青年社 一九二六·三·一三



註釋：

[1] 分不清～容易→這個問題是革命的首要問題

[2] 中國革命亘三十年→中國過去一切革命鬥爭

[3] 就是～→其基本原因就是因為~

[4] 不失敗→不失敗的

[5] 要有～→我們的革命要有～

[6] 不可不致謹於一個重要的策略。要決定這個策略，就要首先分請楚誰是敵人誰是朋友→不可不注意團結我們的真正的朋友，以攻擊我們的真正的敵人

[7] 要～→我們要～

[8] ～階級→～階級的情況

[9] 怎麼樣→怎樣的呢

[10] 大資產階級→地主階級和買辦階級

[11] 經濟落後～→在經濟落後的～

[12] 大資產階級→地主階級和買辦階級

[13] 完全→完全是

[14] 即→是

[15] 帝國主義→帝國主義的

[16] 這一個階級～→這些階級代表中國最落後的和最反動的生產關係，阻礙中國生產力的發展。他們～

[17] 民族→中國

[18] 始終～→特別是大地主階級和大買辦階級，他們始終～

[19] 乃→是

[20] ～反革命派。→～反革命派。其政治代表是國家主義派和國民黨右派

[21] 這個階級～→這個階級代表中國城鄉資本主義的生產關係。中產階級主要是指民族資產階級，他們～

[22] 民族→中國

[23] 乃取了→具有

[24] 即其受→他們在受

[25] 但因，～運動→但是當著革命

[26] 感覺著威脅→感覺到威脅時

[27] 又～→他們又～

[28] 有一個→有一個自稱為

[29] ～」→「～」的

[30] 晨報→《晨報》

[31] 左手→你的左手

[32] ～」→～」這兩句話，

[33] 畫出→畫出了

[34] 態度→狀態

[35] 爭鬥說→鬥爭學說

[36] 民生主義→國民黨的民生主義

[37] 反對～→他們反對～

[38] 共產派分子→共產黨及左派分子

[39] 但→但是

[40] 不行→行不通的

[41] 世界上→世界上的

[42] 乃→是

[43] 革命→革命和

[44] 爭鬥→鬥爭

[45] 豎起→豎起了

[46] 赤→紅

[47] 被壓迫～→一切被壓迫～

[48] 反革命分子→一切反革命分子

[49] 集→集合

[50] 必須趕快的→必定很快地

[51] 以→以其

[52] 個→一個

[53] 階級→階層

[54] 小員司、～小律師等→學生界、中小學教員、小員司、小事務員、小律師、小商人等

[55] ～注意。→～注意。自耕農和手工業主所經營的，都是小生產的經濟。

[56] 這個階級→這個小資產階級內的各階層

[57] 同在→同處在

[58] 雖～→對趙公元帥禮拜最勤，雖～

[59] 一尺長→一尺長的

[60] 小資產→小資產階級

[61] 乃→是

[62] 恰足自給的→在經濟上大體上可以自給的

[63] 部分人→一部分人

[64] 隨著→而且因為

[65] 近年→近年以來

[66] 大中資產階級→封建地主、買辦大資產階級

[67] 從前相等的勞力→和從前相等的勞動

[68] 起早晨→起早散晚

[69] 才能→方能

[70] 理由是：「洋人和司令的～」→（理由是：洋人和軍閥的～）

[71] 但→但是

[72] 大概→大概占

[73] 小資產→小資產階級

[74] 要虧本→生活下降

[75] 僅僅保等→僅僅可以保住

[76] 要虧本→生活下降

[77] 從前→過去

[78] 比一切人大→很大

[79] 一個不小的→是一個數量不小的

[80] 乃→是

[81] 說→所說

[82] 即→即到

[83] 小資產→小資產階級

[84] 附和→附合

[85] 五三十運動→一九二五年的五三十運動

[86] 漸定→斷定

[87] 半自耕農→絕大部分半自耕農

[88] 手工業工人→小手工業者，

[89] ～之六種→～等五種

[90] 乃→絕大部分半自耕農和貧農是

[91] 一個極大→一個數量極大的

[92] 一大半→主要

[93] 這三種農民～→半自耕農、貧農和小手工業者所經營的，都是更細小的小生產的經濟。絕大部分半自耕農和貧農～

[94] 然→但其

[95] 有→大約有

[96] 種→租

[97] 作工或營小商→出賣一部分勞動力或經營小商

[98] 借貸→借債

[99] 不→無

[100] 境遇→景遇

[101] 然→但是

[102] 半益農→貧農

[103] 因→因為

[104] 半益農→貧農

[105] 一半→一半或不足一半

[106] 半益農→貧農

[107] 鄉村→農村中

[108] 然→其

[109] 頗有分別→又分兩部分

[110] 半益農→一部分貧農

[111] 數目→數量

[112] 流動資本→資金

[113] 農人→農民

[114] 種～→可以種～

[115] 勉強～→或出賣一部分勞動力勉強～

[116] 貧農→另一部分貧農

[117] 貧農→另一部分貧農

[118] 貧農→所謂另一部分貧農

[119] 既→則既

[120] 流動的資本→資金

[121] 田地→土地

[122] 所得無幾。→所得無幾，更需要出賣一部分勞動力。

[123] 叢雜→叢集

[124] 乃→他們是

[125] 手工業工人→小手工業者

[126] 因其自有工具→是因為他們雖然自有簡單的生產手段

[127] 其～→但他們也常常被迫出賣一部分勞動力，其～

[128] 農業中半益農→農村中的貧農

[129] 因→因其

[130] 生活物價→生活費用

[131] 半益農→貧農

[132] 乃→是

[133] 中小商人→商店

[134] 事畜的費用→家庭的費用

[135] 增漲→增長

[136] 新例→薪給

[137] 一更→一增

[138] 手工業工人→貧農及小手工業者

[139] 工業～→現代工業～

[140] 約二百萬→約二百萬人

[141] 工業～→現代工業～

[142] 不多→人數不多

[143] 二百萬→二百萬左右的

[144] 產業→產業的工人

[145] 大多數→其中很大一個數量是

[146] ～之下→～的奴役下

[147] 雖不多→人數雖不多

[148] 卻做了民族革命運動的主力→卻是中國新的生產力的代表者，是近代中國最進步的階級，做了革命運動的領導力量

[149] 及～→沙面罷工以及～

[150] 五三十→「五三十」

[151] 民族革命→中國革命

[152] 他們→他們的

[153] 工具→生產手段

[154] 買辦階級→資產階級

[155] 慘酷→殘酷

[156] 奮鬥→戰鬥

[157] 苦力→苦力工人

[158] 都→亦

[159] 有其組織的→產業工人的

[160] 新式→新式的

[161] 農業→農村

[162] 乃→是

[163] 流動資本→資金

[164] 乃→是

[165] 要緊的→緊要的

[166] 遊民無產階級→此外，還有數量不小的遊民無產者

[167] 乃→是

[168] 做了→曾經是

[169] 他們→他們的

[170] 爭鬥→鬥爭

[171] 機關→團體

[172] 乃→是

[173] 中國最大最難的問題→中國的困難的問題之一

[174] 引導得法→但有破壞性，如引導得法

[175] 一切～→綜上所述，可知一切～

[176] 大地主，反動的知識階級即所謂中國大資產階級→大地主階級以及付屬於他們的一部分反動知識界

[177] 一切小資產階級，半無產階級無產階級～→工業無產階級是我們革命的領導力量。一切半無產階級、小資產階級～

[178] 我們的→我們最接近的

[179] 搖動→動搖

[180] 應該把他當做→可能是

[181] 可以→可能是

[182] 他→他們

[183] 他→他們

[184] 亂→擾亂 


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回復 change? 2018-1-12 10:47
Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung

ANALYSIS OF THE CLASSES IN CHINESE SOCIETY
March 1926

This article was written by Comrade Mao Tse-tung to combat two deviations then to be found in the Party. The exponents of the first deviation, represented by Chen Tu-hsiu, were concerned only with co-operation with the Kuomintang and forgot about the peasants; this was Right opportunism. The exponents of the second deviation, represented by Chang Kuo-tao, were concerned only with the labour movement, and likewise forgot about the peasants; this was "Left" opportunism. Both were aware that their own strength was inadequate, but neither of them knew where to seek reinforcements or where to obtain allies on a mass scale. Comrade Mao Tse-tung pointed out that the peasantry was the staunchest and numerically the largest ally of the Chinese proletariat, and thus solved the problem of who was the chief ally in the Chinese revolution. Moreover, he saw that the national bourgeoisie was a vacillating class and predicted that it would disintegrate during the upsurge of the revolution, with its right-wing going over to the side of imperialism. This was borne out by the events of 1927.

Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution. The basic reason why all previous revolutionary struggles in China achieved so little was their failure to unite with real friends in order to attack real enemies. A revolutionary party is the guide of the masses, and no revolution ever succeeds when the revolutionary party leads them astray. To ensure that we will definitely achieve success in our revolution and will not lead the masses astray, we must pay attention to uniting with our real friends in order to attack our real enemies. To distinguish real friends from real enemies, we must make a general analysis of the economic status of the various classes in Chinese society and of their respective attitudes towards the revolution.

What is the condition of each of the classes in Chinese society?

The landlord class and the comprador class.[1] In economically backward and semi-colonial China the landlord class and the comprador class are wholly appendages of the international bourgeoisie, depending upon imperialism for their survival ant growth. These classes represent the most backward and most reactionary relations of production in China and hinder the development of her productive forces. Their existence is utterly incompatible with the aims of the Chinese revolution. The big landlord and big comprador classes in particular always side with imperialism and constitute an extreme counterrevolutionary group. Their political representatives are the Étatistes [2] and the right-wing of the Kuomintang.

The middle bourgeoisie. This class represents the capitalist relations of production in China in town and country. The middle bourgeoisie, by which is meant chiefly the national bourgeoisie, [3] is inconsistent in its attitude towards the Chinese revolution: they feel the need for revolution and favour the revolutionary movement against imperialism and the warlords when they are smarting under the blows of foreign capital and the oppression of the warlords, but they become suspicious of the revolution when they sense that, with the militant participation of the proletariat at home and the active support of the international proletariat abroad, the revolution is threatening the hope of their class to attain the status of a big bourgeoisie. Politically, they stand for the establishment of a state under the rule of a single class, the national bourgeoisie. A self-styled true disciple of Tai Chi-tao [4] wrote in the Chen Pao, [5] Peking, "Raise your left fist to knock down the imperialists and your right to knock down the Communists." These words depict the dilemma and anxiety of this class. It is against interpreting the Kuomintang's Principle of the People's Livelihood according to the theory of class struggle, and it opposes the Kuomintang's alliance with Russia and the admission of Communists [6] and left-wingers. But its attempt to establish a state under the rule of the national bourgeoisie is quite impracticable, because the present world situation is such that the two major forces, revolution and counter-revolution, are locked in final struggle. Each has hoisted a huge banner: one is the red banner of revolution held aloft by the Third International as the rallying point for all the oppressed classes of the world, the other is the white banner of counterrevolution held aloft by the League of Nations as the rallying point for all the counter-revolutionaries of the world. The intermediate classes are bound to disintegrate quickly, some sections turning left to join the revolution, others turning right to join the counter-revolution; there is no room for them to remain "independent". Therefore the idea cherished by China's middle bourgeoisie of an "independent" revolution in which it would play the primary role is a mere illusion.

The petty bourgeoisie. Included in this category are the owner-peasants, [7] the master handicraftsmen, the lower levels of the intellectuals--students, primary and secondary school teachers, lower government functionaries, office clerks, small lawyers--and the small traders. Both because of its size and class character, this class deserves very close attention. The owner-peasants and the master handicraftsmen are both engaged in small-scale production. Although all strata of this class have the same petty-bourgeois economic status, they fall into three different sections. The first section consists of those who have some surplus money or grain, that is, those who, by manual or mental labour, earn more each year than they consume for their own support. Such people very much want to get rich and are devout worshipers of Marshal Chao; [8] while they have no illusions about amassing great fortunes, they invariably desire to climb up into the middle bourgeoisie. Their mouths water copiously when they see the respect in which those small moneybags are held. People of this sort are timid, afraid of government officials, and also a little afraid of the revolution. Since they are quite close to the middle bourgeoisie in economic status, they have a lot of faith in its propaganda and are suspicious of the revolution. This section is a minority among the petty bourgeoisie and constitutes its right-wing. The second section consists of those who in the main are economically self-supporting. They are quite different from the people in the first section; they also want to get rich, but Marshal Chao never lets them. In recent years, moreover, suffering from the oppression and exploitation of the imperialists, the warlords, the feudal landlords and the big comprador-bourgeoisie, they have become aware that the world is no longer what it was. They feel they cannot earn enough to live on by just putting in as much work as before. To make both ends meet they have to work longer hours, get up earlier, leave off later, and be doubly careful at their work. They become rather abusive, denouncing the foreigners as "foreign devils", the warlords as "robber generals" and the local tyrants and evil gentry as "the heartless rich". As for the movement against the imperialists and the warlords, they; merely doubt whether it can succeed (on the ground that the foreigners and the warlords seem so powerful), hesitate to join it and prefer to be neutral, but they never oppose the revolution. This section is very numerous, making up about one-half of the petty bourgeoisie.

The third section consists of those whose standard of living is falling. Many in this section, who originally belonged to better-off families, are undergoing a gradual change from a position of being barely able to manage to one of living in more and more reduced circumstances. When they come to settle their accounts at the end of each year, they are shocked, exclaiming, "What? Another deficit!" As such people have seen better days and are now going downhill with every passing year, their debts mounting and their life becoming more and more miserable, they "shudder at the thought of the future". They are in great mental distress because there is such a contrast between their past and their present. Such people are quite important for the revolutionary movement; they form a mass of no small proportions and are the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie. In normal times these three sections of the petty bourgeoisie differ in their attitude to the revolution. But in times of war, that is, when the tide of the revolution runs high and the dawn of victory is in sight, not only will the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie join the revolution, but the middle section too may join, and even tight-wingers, swept forward by the great revolutionary tide of the proletariat and of the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie, will have to go along with the "evolution." We can see from the experience of the May 30th Movement [9] of 1925 and the peasant movement in various places that this conclusion is correct.

The semi-proletariat. What is here called the semi-proletariat consists of five categories: (1) the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants, [10] (2) the poor peasants, (3) the small handicraftsmen, (4) the shop assistants [11] and (5) the pedlars. The overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants together with the poor peasants constitute a very large part of the rural masses. The peasant problem is essentially their problem. The semi-owner peasants, the poor peasants and the small handicraftsmen are engaged in production on a still smaller scale than the owner-peasants and the master handicraftsmen. Although both the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants and the poor peasants belong to the semi-proletariat, they may be further divided into three smaller categories, upper, middle and lower, according to their economic condition. The semi-owner peasants are worse off than the owner-peasants because every year they are short of about half the food they need, and have to make up this deficit by renting land from others, selling part of their labour power, or engaging in petty trading. In late spring and early summer when the crop is still in the blade and the old stock is consumed, they borrow at exorbitant rates of interest and buy grain at high prices; their plight is naturally harder than that of the owner-peasants' who need no help from others, but they are better off than the poor' peasants. For the poor peasants own no land, and receive only half the harvest or even less for their year's toil, while the semi-owner` peasants, though receiving only half or less than half the harvest of land rented from others, can keep the entire crop from the land they own. The semi-owner peasants are therefore more revolutionary than the owner-peasants, but less revolutionary than the poor peasants. The poor peasants are tenant-peasants who are exploited by the landlords. They may again be divided into two categories according to their economic status. One category has comparatively adequate farm implements and some funds. Such peasants may retain half the product of their year's toil. To make up their deficit they cultivate side crops, catch fish or shrimps, raise poultry or pigs, or sell part of their labour power, and thus eke out a living, hoping in the midst of hardship and destitution to tide over the year. Thus their life is harder than that of the semi-owner peasants, but they are better off than the other category of poor peasants. They ate more revolutionary than the semi-owner peasants, but less revolutionary than the other category of poor peasants. As for the latter, they have neither adequate farm implements nor funds nor enough manure, their crops are poor, and, with little left after paying rent, they have even greater need to sell part of their labour power. In hard times they piteously beg help from relatives and friends, borrowing a few tou or sheng of grain to last them a few days, and their debts pile up like loads on the backs of oxen. They are the worst off among the peasants and are highly receptive to revolutionary propaganda. The small handicraftsmen are called semi-proletarians because, though they own some simple means of production and moreover are self-employed, they too are often forced to sell part of their labour power and are somewhat similar to the poor peasants in economic status. They feel the constant pinch of poverty and dread of unemployment, because of heavy family burdens and the gap between their earnings and the cost of living; in this respect too they largely resemble the poor peasants. The shop assistants are employees of shops and stores, supporting their families on meagre pay and getting an increase perhaps only once in several years while prices rise every year. If by chance you get into intimate conversation with them, they invariably pour out their endless grievances. Roughly the same in status as the poor peasants and the small handicraftsmen, they are highly receptive to revolutionary propaganda. The pedlars, whether they carry their wares around on a pole or set up stalls along the street, have tiny funds and very small earnings, and do not make enough to feed and clothe themselves. Their status is roughly the same as that of the poor peasants, and like the poor peasants they need a revolution to change the existing state of affairs.

The proletariat. The modern industrial proletariat numbers about two million. It is not large because China is economically backward. These two million industrial workers are mainly employed in five industries--railways, mining, maritime transport, textiles and shipbuilding--and a great number are enslaved in enterprises owned by foreign capitalists. Though not very numerous, the industrial proletariat represents China's new productive forces, is the most progressive class in modern China and has become the leading force in the revolutionary movement. We can see the important position of the industrial proletariat in the Chinese revolution from the strength it has displayed in the strikes of the last four years, such as the seamen's strikes, [12] the railway strike, [13] the strikes in the Kailan and Tsiaotso coal mines, [14] the Shameen strike [15] and the general strikes in Shanghai and Hong Kong [16] after the May 30th Incident. The first reason why the industrial workers hold this position is their concentration. No other section of the people is so concentrated. The second reason is their low economic status. They have been deprived of all means of production, have nothing left but their hands, have no hope of ever becoming rich and, moreover, are subjected to the most ruthless treatment by the imperialists, the warlords and the bourgeoisie. That is why they are particularly good fighters. The coolies in the cities are also a force meriting attention. They are mostly dockers and rickshaw men, and among them, too, are sewage carters and street cleaners. Possessing nothing but their hands, they are similar in economic status to the industrial workers but are less concentrated and play a less important role in production. There is as yet little modern capitalist farming in China. By rural proletariat we mean farm labourers hired by the year, the month or the day. Having neither land, farm implements nor funds, they can live only by selling their labour power. Of all the workers they work the longest hours, for the lowest wages, under the worst conditions, and with the least security of employment. They are the most hard-pressed people in the villages, and their position in the peasant movement is as important as that of the poor peasants.

Apart from all these, there is the fairly large lumpen-proletariat, made up of peasants who have lost their land and handicraftsmen who cannot get work. They lead the most precarious existence of all. In every part of the country they have their secret societies, which were originally their mutual-aid organizations for political and economic struggle, for instance, the Triad Society in Fukien and Kwangtung, the Society of Brothers in Hunan, Hupeh, Kweichow and Szechuan, the Big Sword Society in Anhwei, Honan and Shantung, the Rational Life Society in Chihli [17] and the three northeastern provinces, and the Green Band in Shanghai and elsewhere [18] One of China's difficult problems is how to handle these people. Brave fighters but apt to be destructive, they can become a revolutionary force if given proper guidance.

To sum up, it can be seen that our enemies are all those in league with imperialism--the warlords, the bureaucrats, the comprador class, the big landlord class and the reactionary section of the intelligentsia attached to them. The leading force in our revolution is the industrial proletariat. Our closest friends are the entire semi-proletariat and petty bourgeoisie. As for the vacillating middle bourgeoisie, their right-wing may become our enemy and their left-wing may become our friend but we must be constantly on our guard and not let them create confusion within our ranks.

NOTES
1 A comprador, in the original sense of the word, was the Chinese manages or the senior Chinese employee in a foreign commercial establishment. The compradors served foreign economic interests and bad close connection with imperialism and foreign capital.

2 The Étatistes were a handful of shameless fascist politicians who at that time formed the Chinese Étatiste Youth League, later renamed the Chinese Youth Party. They made counter-revolutionary careers for themselves by opposing the Communist Party and the Soviet Union and received subsidies from the various groups of reactionaries in power and from the imperialists.

3 For further discussion of the role of the national bourgeoisie, see "The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party", Chapter 2, Section 4, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. II.

4 Tai Chi-tao joined the Kuomintang in his youth and for a time was Chiang Kai-shek's partner in stock exchange speculation. After Sun Yat-sen's death in 1925 he carried on anti-Communist agitation and prepared the ground ideologically for Chiang Kai-shek's counter-revolutionary coup d'état in 1927. For years be was a faithful running dog to Chiang Kai-shek in the counter-revolution. He committed suicide in February 1949, driven to despair by the imminent doom of Chiang Kai-shek's regime.

5 The Chen Pao was the organ of the Association for the Study of Constitutional Government, a political group which supported the rule of the Northern warlords.

6 In 1923 Sun Yat-sen, with the help of the Chinese Communist Party, decided to reorganize the Kuomintang bring about Kuomintang-Communist co-operation and admit members of the Communist Party into the Kuomintang. In January 1924 he convened in Canton the Kuomintang's First National Congress at which he laid down the Three Great Policies--alliance with Russia, co-operation with the Communist Party and assistance to the peasants and workers. Mao Tse-tung, Li Ta-chao, Lin Po-chu, Chu Chiu-pai and other comrades attended the Congress and played an important part in helping the Kuomintang to take the road of revolution. Some of these comrades were elected members, and others alternate members, of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang.

7 By owner-peasants Comrade Mao Tse-tung means the middle peasants.

8 Marshal Chao is Chao Kung-ming, God of Wealth in Chinese folklore.

9 The May 30th Movement was the nation-wide anti-imperialist movement in protest against the massacre of the Chinese people by the British police in Shanghai on May 30 1925. Earlier that month, major strikes had broken out in Japanese-owned textile mills in Tsingtao and Shanghai, which the Japanese imperialists and the Northern warlords who were their running dogs proceeded to suppress. On May 15 the Japanese textile mill-owners in Shanghai shot and killed the worker Ku Cheng-hung and wounded a dozen others. On May 28 eight workers were slaughtered by the reactionary government in Tsingtao. On May 30 more than two thousand students in Shanghai agitated in the foreign concessions in support of the workers and for the recovery of the foreign concessions. They rallied more than ten thousand people before the British police headquarters, shouting such slogans as "Down with imperialism!" and "People of China, unite!" The British imperialist police opened fire, killing and wounding many students. This became known as the May 30th Massacre. It immediately aroused country-wide indignation, and demonstrations and strikes of workers, students and shopkeepers were held everywhere, forming a tremendous anti-imperialist movement.

10 By "the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants", Comrade Mao Tse-tung is here referring to the impoverished peasants who worked partly on their own land and partly on land rented from others.

11 There were several strata of shop assistants in old China. Here Comrade Mao Tse-tung is referring to the largest. There was also the lower stratum of shop assistants who led the life of proletarians.

12 The seamen's strikes were staged by the seamen at Hongkong and by the crews of the Yangtse River steamers early in 1922. The Hongkong seamen held out for eight weeks. After a bitter and bloody struggle, the British imperialist authorities in Hongkong were finally forced to raise wages, lift the ban on the Seamen's Union, release the arrested workers and indemnify the families of the martyrs. The crews of the Yangtze steamers went on strike soon afterwards, carried on the struggle for two weeks and also won victory.

13 Immediately after its founding in 1922-23 the Chinese Communist Party set about organizing the railway worker. In 1922-23 strikes took place under the Party's leadership on all the trunk lines. The best known was the general strike on the Peking-Hankow Railway which began on February 4, 1923. It was a fight for the freedom to organize a general trade union. On February 7 the Northern warlords Wu Pei-fu and Hsiao Yao-nan, who were backed by British imperialism, butchered the strikers. This became known as the February 7th Massacre.

14 The Kailan Coal Mines was an inclusive name for the large contiguous Kaiping and Luanchow coalfields in Hopei Province, then employing over fifty thousand workers. During the Yi Ho Tuan Movement of 1900 the British imperialists seized the Kaiping mines. Subsequently the Chinese organized the Luanchow Coal Mining Company, which was later incorporated into the Kailan Mining Administration. Both coalfields thus came under the exclusive control of British imperialism. The Kailan strike took place in October 1922. The Tsiaotso Coal Mines, situated in Honan Province, are also well known in China. The Tsiaotso strike lasted from July 1 to August 9, 1925

15 Shameen, a section of the city of Canton, was held on lease by British imperialism. In July 1924 the British imperialists who ruled it issued a new police regulation requiring all Chinese to produce passes with photos on leaving or entering the area. But foreigners were exempt. On July 15 the workers in Shameen went on strike to protest against this preposterous measure, which the British imperialists were finally forced to cancel.

16 Following the May 30th Incident in Shanghai, general strikes broke out on June 1, 1925 in Shanghai and on June 19 in Hong Kong. More than 200,000 workers took part in Shanghai and 250,000 in Hong Kong. The big Hong Kong strike, with the support of the people throughout the country, lasted sixteen months. It was the longest strike in the history of the world labour movement.

17 Chihli was the old name for Hopei Province.

18 The Triad Society, the Society of Brothers, the Big Sword Society, the Rational Life Society and the Green Band were primitive secret organizations among the people. The members were mainly bankrupt peasants, unemployed handicraftsmen and other lumpen-proletarians. In feudal China these elements were often drawn together by come religion or superstition to form organizations of a patriarchal pattern and bearing different names and some possessed arms. Through these organizations the lumpen-proletarians sought to help each other socially and economically, and sometimes fought the bureaucrats and landlords who oppressed them. Of course, such backward organizations could not provide a way out for the peasants and handicraftsmen. Furthermore, they could easily be controlled and utilized by the landlords and local tyrants and, because of this and of their blind destructiveness, come turned into reactionary forces. In his counter-revolutionary coup d'etat of 1927 Chiang Kai-shek made use of them to disrupt the unity of the labouring people and destroy the revolution. As the modern industrial proletariat arose and grew from strength to strength, the peasants, under the leadership of the working class, gradually formed themselves into organizations of an entirely new type, and these primitive, backward societies lost their raison d'etre.

Trans***ion by the Maoist Documentation Project.
HTML revised 2004 by ***

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