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美國布希這次比較裝孫子，德國瘋婆子倒是叫囂了幾聲，最蠢的是法國佬，一直衝在最前面，一頓亂吠，當炮灰。我想，當梅克爾和布希通電話的時候，說起薩科奇的蠢人蠢事，會發出會心的淫笑吧。
從有關方面報導，這次事件是美國和德國一手策劃。具體信息如下:
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56147
Operations Against China
2008/04/15
LHASA/WASHINGTON/BERLIN
(
Own report) - Several front organizations of German foreign policy have for years been supporting the Tibetan exile structures in Dharamsala, India. This includes support for organizational measures enabling the "government in exile" in Dharamsala to orchestrate its activities against the People's Republic of China worldwide. Particularly the Free Democratic Party (FDP) affiliated Friedrich Naumann Foundation and the Heinrich Boell Foundation (affiliated with the Green Party) are cooperating with the "government in exile" and other exile Tibetan institutions. Front organizations of US foreign policy are working toward the same objectives. Already in the 1950s Washington was intervening in Tibet with millions of dollars, at the time, even supporting Tibetan armed uprisings against the People's Republic of China. German organizations took up the question of Tibet around the end of the 80s, at a time when China was beginning its rise to become a global competitor of the west. The current activities are apt to greatly weaken China. These supplement other German-US measures aimed at thwarting the rise of their East-Asian rival.
Guerrilla Attacks
The first western activities in Tibet began only a few years after the founding of the People's Republic of China. These activities are still today emblazoned in China's political memory and play no insignificant role in China's judgment of the current secessionist tendencies. The US logistical and military support for the armed Tibetan rebellions, beginning in 1957, was aimed at destabilizing the communist government.[1] The intervention outlasted the Dalai Lama's flight into exile in Dharamsala, India, where, after 1959, a Tibetan "government in exile" was called into being. According to official documents from the government in Washington, during the 1960s the CIA was paying up to $1.7 million per year to maintain "operations against China." Up to $180,000 was given directly to the Dalai Lama.[2] Isolated skirmishes continued up into the 1970s. According to the Tibet expert, Prof. Karenina Kollmar-Paulenz, "Guerrilla attacks, originating in Mustang, a Tibetan enclave in Nepal, persisted with US-American support until 1974, when the USA and the Nepalese government stopped their help."[3] Two years earlier, Washington had entered into a new cooperation with Beijing that defined their common efforts against Moscow to be top priority.
Green Alternative
German organizations have become intensively engaged in the Tibet question since the 1980s, when the People's Republic of China began an economic upswing that has now placed it in the top ranks of global commercial statistics. Already at that time political strategists were predicting the possibility of China's rise to becoming a major power and foresaw rivalry between China and western powers. Using contacts to Tibet by "alternative" political circles, who had converted to Buddhism, the Green parliamentary group, through hearings and parliamentary resolutions, placed the questions of autonomy and the demands for secession in that region of China on the political agenda of the Bundestag in 1985. Tsewang Norbu, a former assistant of the Dalai Lama, helped shape policy on Tibet, first as an employee of the Green parliamentarian Petra Kelly and, since 1992, as an employee of the Green Party affiliated Heinrich Boell Foundation. In addition, Norbu founded the German-Tibetan Cultural Society and, over an extended period of time, presided as its vice-chairman. He also works as a "special correspondent" for the US financed "Radio Free Asia" (RFA). RFA is among the news sources of western reporting on the recent uprising in Tibet.
Political Decision-Making Process
Two of the most influential German party-affiliated foundations are particularly engaged in Tibet-related activities. Former President of Germany, Roman Herzog, qualifies their work as "effective instruments of German foreign policy".[4] These foundations are mainly government financed. One, the FDP-affiliated Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNSt) has been counseling the Tibetan exile parliament "in all questions of political education" since 1991. A few years ago the foundation claimed that this function will be "very important for the political decision-making process of Tibetan parliamentarians".[5] One of their project partners, the "Tibetan Parliamentary and Policy Research Center" (TPPRC) organizes workshops for the Tibetan exile communities that are mostly found in India or in Nepal.[6] It also teaches Tibetan students "how they can serve their country within and outside the government."[7] 500 students took part in the seminars between 2003 and 2007. The FNSt has also been organizing conferences since the mid-90s that are meant to "coordinate the work of the international Tibet groups and strengthen their links to the central Tibetan 'government in exile'," a complicated enterprise that facilitates the worldwide networking of Tibet militants with Dharamsala. The most recent of these conferences ended in May 2007 with agreement on an "plan of action" which would include the use of the summer Olympic Games to take place in Beijing for the exile Tibetan cause. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[8])
Justification
Also active for the "Tibet cause" is the Green Party affiliated Heinrich Boell Foundation, which, like the FNSt works out of its branch office in India. According to its own indications, it "intensified the focus of its years long support for the exile Tibetan community at the turn of the year 2005/2006."[9] They are now concentrating their support on two organizations that have their headquarters in the exile Tibetan "capital" Dharamsala. They are the "Tibetan Center for Conflict Resolution" (TCCR) that mediates conflicts that arise within the community and more particularly the "Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy" (TCHRD). The TCHRD publishes annual reports on Human Rights violations in Tibet and is very significant for the justification of Tibetan political demands. The Heinrich Boell Foundation writes that "taking into consideration the persisting - even though seemingly futile - demands for Tibetan self-determination, there still exists (...) an urgent need for documentation of human rights violations and the policy of assimilation carried out by the Chinese state authorities in Tibet, such as produced by the TCHRD."[10] The TCHRD is also being supported by the "National Endowment for Democracy" (NED), a front organization for US foreign policy that has become notorious for sponsoring the "color revolutions" in Eastern Europe and Central Asia.
Conflagration
German foundations' activities around Tibet touch one of the most sensitive spots in Chinese policy. Not only do they represent interference into the domestic affairs of that nation, they also threaten the People's Republic's territorial integrity. "To a certain extent, Tibet is the cornerstone of a fragile multi-ethnic state," writes a policy advisor at the Institute of Asian Studies of the German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA) in Hamburg. "A horror scenario for Beijing is that beginning with Tibet, a conflagration develops." One finds "designated on a map published in a 1990 autobiography of the Dalai Lama (...) alongside Greater Tibet also 'East Turkestan,' as the area where Moslem Uygurs settled, Inner Mongolia and Manchuria."[11] The secession of these regions would have drastic consequences: "the remaining Chinese settled areas would have shrunk to a third of the People's Republic."
Strategic, Rather Than Legalistic
In fact, the current Tibet campaign, with the participation of German organizations, is but an example of Berlin's and Washington's growing anti-Chinese policy. In Africa, Germany and the USA are now openly agitating against China.[12] Aggressive competition is being practiced also in Latin America [13] as well as in Central Asia [14]. India is seen as a possible counter-balance for the containment of the People's Republic. The west is wooing it accordingly.[15] Here, Tibet could also provide leverage for spurring New Delhi's reticent ruling circles on course. According to the declaration of a former official of the Indian Foreign Ministry, it is "high time for India" to give up its "timid rapprochement" with China and place Beijing "under pressure" also on the Tibet question. The relations with China must be developed "from a strategic, rather than legalistic perspective." The position paper has been put up for debate by the Heinrich Boell Foundation' Indian field office.[16]
Not Tolerated
Not least among the consequences, the Tibet campaign is also stimulating an anti-Chinese atmosphere in Germany leaving a dwindling amount of room for criticism. Opinions that are at variance with the anti-Beijing mainstream are, in the meantime, being punished. In Cologne a sinologist's lecture on the theme of Tibet had to be cancelled at the last minute. The organizers had criticized the one-sided western media reporting and sought to initiate a differentiated debate of the conflict.[17] This intention led to the cancellation on short notice of the rental contract for the location in the Cologne Community Center. Those responsible for the community center made it known that no "anti-Tibetan" events would be tolerated.
Please read also Strategies of Attrition (I), Strategies of Attrition (II), Strategies of Attrition (III), Strategies of Attrition (IV), The Olympic Lever and The Olympic Torch Relay Campaign.
[1] Karenina Kollmar Paulenz: Kleine Geschichte Tibets, München 2006
[2] CIA funded covert Tibet exile campaign in 1960s; The Age (Australia) 16.09.1998
[3] Karenina Kollmar Paulenz: Kleine Geschichte Tibets, München 2006
[4] see also "The Most Effective Instruments of German Foreign Policy"
[5] Buchbesprechung: "Tibet im Exil"; www.fnst-freiheit.org
[6] Intensive workshop for Tibetan Local Assembly Members; www.southasia.fnst-freiheit.org
[7] "The objective is to make the student understand oneself and the exile government, enabling them to know exactly how to serve their country by working within the government or outside it." Youth Leadership Training with a Difference; www.southasia.fnst-freiheit.org
[8] see also The Olympic Torch Relay Campaign
[9], [10] Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung: Politischer Jahresbericht Länderbüro Indien, 2005/2006
[11] "Der Dissens unter den Exiltibetern wächst". Interview mit China-Experten: Unruhen unterminieren pazifistisches Credo des Dalai Lama - Beijing fürchtet Vision eines Großtibet; GIGA News 20.03.2008
[12] see also Mr. Horst Koehler, Managing Director, Auf gleicher Augenhöhe, Hegemonic Rivalry and Näher an Afrika
[13] see also New strategic orientation, Schlüsselpositionen and To the Mines
[14] see also Spät, aber nachhaltig and Günstige Lage
[15] see also Military Partner, Friedensmächte and Der dritte Pfeiler
[16] "It is time for India to get out of its defensive mindset and timid approach in dealing with China. There are vital national security interests at stake. Relations with China must be handled from a strategic, not a legalistic, perspective. The approach India follows should be multi-dimensional. India does want better relations with China, but it must also evolve a calculated and calibrated policy to put China under some pressure to safeguard its interests and concerns." Rajiv Sikri: India』s Tibet Policy: Need for a Change; www.boell-india.org
[17] Für Informationen zu Tibet in der Alten Feuerwache kein Platz? www.salz-köln.de
（本網訊）幾個德國對外政策的陣線組織多年來一直對在印度的西藏流亡組織提供支持。這包括組建流亡政府並使其在世界範圍內反對從事反對中國的活動。特別是自由民主黨（FDP）所屬的Friedrich Naumann基金會和綠黨所屬的Heinrich Boell基金會仍在與西藏流亡政府及其所屬機構進行合作。美國對外政策陣線組織也在朝這一目標進行努力。早在二十世紀50年代，華盛頓政府就為他們提供了幾百萬美元的支持。那時，甚至支持西藏人起義反對中華人民共和國。德國的組織是在80年代末期轉向西藏問題的，那時正是中國開始崛起而即將成為西方在全球的競爭對手的時候。當前的這些活動目的是要最大限度地削弱中國。這些德美關係措施的產物，其目的就是去抗衡東亞崛起的對手。
游擊戰
西方第一輪對西藏的活動開始於中華人民共和國剛剛成立不久的幾年裡。這些活動至今仍然保留在中國的政治記憶中，但對於中國判斷當前分離傾向中毫無作用。在以美國為後盾並獲得軍事支持的西藏叛亂開始於1957年，其目的是要動搖社會主義體制。[1]這些干涉行動一直持續到1959年dl逃往印度的Dharamsala，並在之後建立了所謂西藏流亡政府的一段時間。根據華盛頓的官方文件，上世紀60年代美國中央情報局每年為持續性「反對中國的活動」提供170萬美元。其中超過18萬美元的資金是直接提供給dl本人的。[2]二十世紀70年代，各種孤立的衝突持續上升。西藏專家Karenina Kollmar-Paulenz教授，「游擊戰是在尼泊爾的一個叫Mustang的西藏聚集地發起的，在美國的支持下一直持續到1974年，之後美國政府和尼泊爾政府才停止了這種支持。」 [3]差不多是在1972年，美國與北京開始進入一個新的合作階段，因為那時的共同目標是把對抗莫斯科作為首選。
Green的選擇
德國的組織從上世紀八十年代開始特別關注西藏問題，那個階段中國的經濟開始飛躍發展，現如今中國已在商業市場中佔據頂尖地位。當時的政治家已經預期到中國將成為一個主要力量的可能性以及中國和西方之間在未來的競爭。利用信仰佛教的政治團體與西藏接觸，Green議會集團通過聽證和議會決議的方式，在1985年把西藏自治問題和獨立要求列入了德國議會的政治日程。Tsewang Norbu，前dl喇嘛的助手幫助制定對西藏的政策。首先作為Green議員Petra Kelly的僱員，並在1992后成為與Heinrich Boell基金會想關聯的Green黨僱員。另外，Norbu構建德藏文化社團並在很長一段時間以社團副主席的名義主持工作。他也是美國資助的自由亞洲廣播（RFA）的特約通訊員。RFA在最近西藏事件中是西方報道的重要來源。
政治決策過程
德國和基金會關聯的最有影響力的兩個政黨特別熱衷於與西藏相關的活動。前德國總統Roman Herzog評價他是「德國對外政策的有效工具」。[4]這些基金會主要是由政府資助的。自1991年以來，Friedrich Naumann 基金會 (FNSt)所屬的FDP一直在為西藏流亡國會在「政治性教育方面的各種問題」提供諮詢服務。幾年前，基金會聲稱它的作用將「對西藏國會議員的政治決策過程起到重要作用」。 [5]其中一個稱為「西藏議會和政策研究中心」（TPPRC）為西藏流亡社團組建工作場所。這些社團在印度和尼泊爾有很多。[6]這個中心也教藏族學生「在政府內外如何能夠服務於他們的國家」。[7]在2003年到2007年之間，大約有500名學生參加過他們組織的培訓。在90年代中期，FNSt也一直在以所謂「協調國際藏族集團的工作並加強他們與西藏流亡政府的聯繫」借口，組織與印度Dharamsala密切聯繫的世界範圍內的激進主義網路。在最近2007年5月結束的一些會議形成一個「行動計劃」的協議，其中包括利用2008年在北京舉辦奧林匹克夏季運動會為流亡藏人服務。（german-foreign-policy.com報道.[8]）
正當理由
與Heinrich Boell基金會相關的綠黨也是「西藏事業」的積极參与者，Heinrich Boell基金會同FNSt一樣也在印度有辦事處。按照它自己的說法，「在2005/2006年度重點強化多年來對西藏流亡團體的支持。」 [9]他們現在著力於對在西藏流亡政府「首府」Dharamsala的兩個組織進行支持。他們是「西藏鬥爭協調中心」（TCCR）和「西藏人權與民主中心」 （TCHRD）。TCHRD發布西藏侵害人權的年度報告，並且對藏人的政治需求的合理性有非常重要的意義。Heinrich Boell基金會文件中寫著，「堅持不懈地認真考慮西藏人民的需要，哪怕是最瑣碎的事情。在中國政府管轄下的西藏存在著嚴重人權問題並在對藏文化進行同化。」 [10]TCHRD同樣也受到「國家民主基金」（NED）的支持。NED是一個美國的陣線組織，曾因支持在東歐和中亞的「顏色革命」而名聲狼藉。
大火災
德國基金會圍繞西藏問題的活動觸及到一個中國政府最為敏感部位。這不僅僅表示在干涉一個國家的內部事務，也威脅到了中國的領土完整。在漢堡的德國全球及區域研究所（GIGA）亞洲分所的一位政策顧問說，「在某一程度來說，西藏是一個脆弱的多民族國家的牆角石。對北京來說，一個令人生厭的事件正在西藏展開，一場大火災正在開始。」有人發現，在dl喇嘛1990年出版的自傳中有一幅地圖，在大西藏周圍還有穆斯林維吾爾族居住的「東土耳其斯坦」，內蒙古和滿洲國。[11]這些地區如果分裂所帶來的後果就是所謂的中國只剩下現在的三分之一。
戰略勝於尊重法律
事實上，現在有德國組織參與的西藏運動只是華盛頓和柏林持續升級的反華政策的一個例證。在非洲，德國和美國在公開煽動反對中國。[12]惡性競爭也正在拉丁美洲[13]以及中亞[14]展開。印度是一個圍堵中國的可能的平衡點，西方因此在不斷誘導它。[15]西藏可能會對刺激沉默寡言的新德里政府支持西方起到一個槓桿作用。援引前印度外交部官員聲明，這是一個絕佳的時機去讓印度放棄與中國的「羞怯的和睦」，並讓中國在包括西藏問題上受到壓力。與中國的關係必須從戰略角度進行考慮，而不是從法律角度。形勢問題已經在Heinrich Boell基金會的印度辦事處進行過辯論。
無法容忍的……
除上述情況外，西藏運動也正在刺激德國的反華情緒，為批評留下了一定的空間。與反對北京主流聲音的不同意見正在遭到懲罰。在科隆一位漢學家關於西藏問題的演講也在最後一分鐘被迫取消。組織者曾經批評一邊倒的西方媒體報道並尋求發動一個針鋒相對的辯論。[17]這種意圖被科隆社團中心注意到后取消。那些負責任的社團中心告訴組織者「反對西藏」的事件是無法容忍的。 |
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