BBC：在中國的重慶，對薄熙來的欽佩至今回蕩

在中國的重慶，對薄熙來的欽佩至今回蕩
BBC
09-21-2013
Admiration lingers for Bo Xilai in China's Chongqing
Damian Grammaticas
In a great, sweeping, snaking curve, the Yangtze river flows wide and fast through the city of Chongqing. Murky and polluted, full of dangerous undercurrents, its waters mix with the Jialing river. The point at which the two rivers meet is where Chongqing's skyscrapers rise, on a finger of land surrounded by water, like an inland Manhattan.
Chongqing is one of China's great cities, a river port filled with giant factories, the hub for a region of 30 million people. It was once a wartime capital, bombed by the Japanese. More recently riddled with mafia gangs, known for crime and corruption, the city has played a part in many of China's political dramas. It's here where you have to come to understand the rise, and now the fall, of Bo Xilai.
The catalyst for his demise was the murder, in Chongqing almost two years ago, of Neil Heywood. Mr Bo's wife, Gu Kailai, has already been convicted of that crime. She'd fallen out with her British business partner over their business deals and poisoned him. The killing was kept secret until Mr Bo's police chief fled to the US consulate in nearby Chengdu, exposing the scandal.
Bo Xilai's own trial in August riveted millions of Chinese. One of the most recognisable and popular politicians in China, he was one of the Communist Party's rising stars. His father had a prominent part in China's revolution. That makes Bo Xilai a Communist Party "princeling", so powerful many believed him almost untouchable.
Love for Bo
The court hearings were filled with revelations of infidelity and corruption in Mr Bo's family. There were photos of a secret villa in the south of France. Mr Bo didn't accept the charges meekly as most officials would. He called his wife "crazy", and his former police chief a "liar" for alleging he'd tried to cover up her crime.
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Damian Grammaticas explains why Bo Xilai is likely to receive a long jail sentence
For the Communist Party it was an unedifying, damaging spectacle. But the party wants people to believe it is serious about tackling corruption and this case demonstrates how nobody is above the law, how the courts show no favour to the party's elites. But in Chongqing many believe it was really about eliminating Bo Xilai as a political force.
The centre of Chongqing is a pedestrianised shopping zone, now ringed with giant glass tower blocks gleaming in the sunlight. The area is full of brand new designer boutiques, names like Chanel and Tiffany & Co. Chinese families stroll past, snapping photos on their brand-new smartphones.
Bo Xilai was transforming Chongqing. As the local Communist Party boss, he oversaw its rise to become one of the fastest growing economic regions of China. He had a reputation as a decisive, effective leader, and despite his downfall, he's still admired in the city.
Zhang Anhao, a farmer who does part-time labouring jobs in the city, told me: "In Chongqing 80% of us approved of him. Honestly, all the ordinary people and low-level officials supported him. The 20% who didn't were corrupt officials, or thieves and robbers, because Bo cracked down on them. He was good at his job. He was making Chongqing a better place. What we need are more officials like him."
As he spoke, a woman walking past chimed in: "Chongqing people love Bo Xilai. Some officials just care about keeping their bosses happy. But Bo Xilai worked for the people. Who doesn't support him in Chongqing?"
Genuinely popular
The narrow streets that run uphill from Chongqing's riverside docks are crowded. Jostling their way through the throng are the city's famous porters, the bang bang men. From wooden poles balanced on their shoulders hang heavy loads, which they lug up and down the alleyways. Sweating and straining, they carry goods from the wholesalers to shops in the city.
The bang bang men liked Bo Xilai because he was addressing their needs. He was building cheap housing, tackling the mafia gangs, cleaning up crime and corruption, making the streets safer. He consciously appealed to those disillusioned by the country's huge inequalities, Chinese who feel most Communist officials don't care for the poor.
This picture taken on 8 August 2013 shows a vegetable vendors carrying their produce to sell in China"s southwest metropolis of Chongqing Mr Bo was admired for the way he cleaned up crime and corruption
"I think there must be a reason why he was arrested. But, as a politician, he was talented. He was making our city a safer place," said one bang bang man. Another added, "I don't know if he was corrupt, but we hope he can be released, and can come back to keep helping Chongqing develop."
Bo Xilai was genuinely popular in a way that other Communist Party politicians in China rarely are. He was flamboyant and confident, building his own powerbase of supporters outside the party and that may be why others in the leadership viewed him as a threat.
"Mr Bo actually had charisma, had revolutionary lineage and also had a political programme that had national appeal, which is a very potent combination in the Chinese system," says Professor Dali Yang of the University of Chicago.
"Most Chinese leaders are very bland, take their time, hide their views," explains Prof Yang. "Not Mr Bo, he had a strong policy platform emphasising anti-crime, egalitarianism and so on, while pushing the local economy forward very rapidly. So I'm pretty sure his fall is welcome to some members of the elite, but at the same time it's a deep loss for the people who supported him."
Bo Xilai's supporters in Chongqing certainly feel he has been brought down less because of any corruption on his own part, more because of rivalries among China's communist elites.
"Who isn't corrupt? I ask you which government official is not corrupt? All officials are corrupt. Bo was no different," I was told.
And one bang bang man, his shirt tied round his waist, was even more vocal: "It's clear he's not been treated fairly! What's happened to Secretary Bo isn't fair! It was a political power struggle that brought him down. Of course Secretary Bo was good."
Whatever Bo Xilai's sins, he's still admired by his supporters, particularly the poor and those who yearn for a more egalitarian China. They believe China's other elites are even more corrupt than Mr Bo may have been, more unaccountable, more distant. Bo Xilai at least able was to connect with ordinary people, to convince them he cared, so there's still affection for him.

重慶人對薄熙來的愛揮之不去
BBC
09-21-2013
薄熙來雖然倒台，但仍受到他的支持者的崇拜。BBC記者在重慶街頭聽普通民眾談他們對薄熙來案的看法。
霧霾之下，在蜿蜒的揚子江和嘉陵江的交匯處，豎立著重慶的摩天大樓，風景有點像紐約的曼哈頓。
薄熙來的妻子谷開來被裁定謀殺了英國商人海伍德，現已判刑入獄。但這起謀殺案直到前重慶公安局長王立軍叛逃到美國駐成都總領館、引爆了薄熙來案的醜聞后才曝光。這座有三千萬人口的大都市曾以受侵華日軍轟炸的中國陪都著名，近年則受到以犯罪和腐敗臭名昭著的黑幫困擾，它多次在中國政治舞台上扮演重要角色。在這裡，你也可以更了解到薄熙來的興衰。
薄熙來本人今年八月份受到審判。作為中共「太子黨」之一，薄熙來曾權傾一時，很多人曾認為「老虎屁股摸不得」。
愛薄挺薄
法庭揭露了薄熙來家庭里的不道德和腐敗問題，但被薄熙來一一否認，讓中共感到有失顏面。黨希望人們相信它的反腐是認真的，通過此案體現即使是黨的精英，也不能凌駕於法律之上。
但在重慶，很多人認為審判薄熙來是為了從政治上消滅他。
薄熙來主政重慶時讓這個城市改頭換面，成為中國經濟增長速度最高的地方之一。他以果斷和有能力聞名，即使倒台了，仍在重慶受到很多人的崇拜。
在繁華、時尚的重慶步行街頭，一位在市裡打零工的農民張安好（音譯）告訴我：「我們百份之八十的重慶人都很肯定他。實話說，所有普通百姓和底層官員都支持他。那些不支持他的百份之二十的人是貪官、小偷和強盜，因為薄熙來嚴打他們。他幹得很好，改善了重慶這個地方。我們需要的就是像他這樣的領導。」
我們正說著，一位從邊上路過的婦女也插話說：「重慶人民愛戴薄熙來。一些官員就關心讓上面高興，而薄熙來為人民工作。在重慶誰會不支持他呢？」
廣受歡迎
在熙熙攘攘的重慶碼頭，「棒棒」（挑夫）里不乏薄熙來的支持者。
他們愛薄挺薄是因為薄熙來滿足他們的需求：建設廉租房，打黑反腐，讓街頭便得更安全。薄熙來特別吸引那些對中國的貧富分化感到不滿的中國人，他們感覺黨的幹部根本不管窮人。
一位「棒棒」說：「我想薄熙來被捕肯定有內情。但作為政治家，他很有才能。他讓我們的城市更安全了。」
另一位「棒棒」說：「我不清楚他是不是腐敗，但我們希望他能夠獲釋，能回來繼續幫助重慶發展。」
其他中共政客一般都很少像薄熙來這樣廣受歡迎。他高調自信，建立了黨外的實力範圍，這可能是在領導層中其它人把他視作威脅的原因。
芝加哥大學的楊大利教授說：「薄熙來實際上有魅力，有革命家庭背景，還有一套在全國都有吸引力的政治藍圖。這在中國領導層里不多見。」
「他有一套有力的政策，包括打擊犯罪和均貧富等等，同時快速發展經濟。所以他下台有人歡喜有人憂。」
重慶的挺薄者當然認為他倒台是因為中共黨內的鬥爭，主要不是因為他的腐敗。
有人對我說：「我問你，哪個政府官員不腐敗？所有官員都腐敗，薄熙來也一樣。」
一位「棒棒」更直截了當：「很明顯，他受到不公正待遇。對薄書記這樣不公道。他是因為政治鬥爭倒台的。當然薄書記是好樣的。」
不論薄熙來有什麼罪過，他仍受到支持者的愛戴，特別是在那些窮人和要求社會公平的人群中。

所以，利益集團認為，薄熙來一定要被打倒，不能讓他有翻身之日。只不過老百姓心中的那桿秤，他們無法改變。