中國對非外交政策中不同政府部門扮演的角色

發表於 4 天前   來源  獨家網


【原文題目】Redefining Foreign Policy Impulses toward Africa: The Roles of the MFA, the MOFCOM and China Exim Bank
【中文題目】重審對非外交政策的脈搏：外交部、商務部和中國進出口銀行的角色（僅為原文摘要及結論部分。）
【來       源】http://hup.sub.uni-hamburg.de/giga/jcca/article/view/480
【原文作者】Lucy CORKIN
【聲       明】譯文為原創，轉載務必註明譯者及出處「獨家網dooo.cc」。
【摘       要】中國對非影響力的劇增引來外國專家的興趣，她撰長文研究中國對非政策，尤其是外交部、商務部和中國進出口銀行在非洲政策上扮演的角色。文章得出結論：在非洲，中國商務部的重要性在逐漸增加，而外交部則趨於下降。而且在處理非洲事務上商務部有著越來越多的話語權。這意味著儘管非洲在政治上的重要性仍然存在，但對中國來說，這個大陸在經濟上的重要性目前處於優先地位。
【譯       文】

Abstract: It has long been recognized that the actors involved in crafting and implementing China』s foreign policy are not always in agreement. This paper argues that the prioritization of commercial outreach over purely political objectives in Africa has led to a shift in influence from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) to the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM). To that end, the paper examines the rising prominence of China Exim Bank』s concessional loans as a foreign policy instrument in Africa along with the process through which they are negotiated and implemented. Using the case of Angola, this paper shows how despite formal institutional equality, the MOFCOM is playing a far more influential role than the MFA is in defining the direction of China』s foreign policy toward Africa.

摘要︰眾所周知，參與中國外交政策制定和實施的各種力量之間，意見並非總是一致。本文將論證，將在非洲的商業拓展優先於純粹政治目標考量的結果，使得對非洲事務的影響力從外交部向商務部逐漸過渡。為此，本文考察了中國進出口銀行的優惠貸款作為一個針對非洲的外交政策工具與日俱增的影響力。並且通過研究安哥拉的案例表明，儘管在行政序列上二者並列，但商務部在制定對非洲外交政策過程中扮演著遠比外交部重要的角色。

Introduction: The Development of China』s Foreign Policy towards Africa Whereas China–Africa relations throughout much of the Cold War period were characterized by the rhetoric of solidarity in the face of colonial-ism and imperialism, contemporary relations are much more about 「win–win」 relations with a distinctly economic flavor (Brautigam 2009: 53-54; Dong 2009: 92). This is not to say that political rhetoric is not heavily employed, only that it is used more as a means of consolidating strategic economic relations with African countries and affirming the 「One China」 policy than as a means of pursuing a purely diplomatic agenda. This paper seeks to show that as a result, the Chinese Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) has accumulated influence in foreign policy circles at the expense of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA).  

簡介：中國對非洲外交政策的發展經歷了從冷戰大部分時期通過共同面對殖民主義和帝國主義而建立的牢不可破的友誼到現階段更加註重經濟層面的雙贏關係的歷程。但這並不意味著政治問題不再重要，而是政治問題現階段被當做鞏固與非洲國家長期戰略性經濟關係和實行「一個中國」政策的手段，而不單純是一個外交議題。本文將得出這樣一個結論，即商務部對外交政策的影響已經日漸超過外交部。

While the pace at which Chinese relations with Africa has sped up in terms of trade, aid and investment, it is important to bear in mind that China』s relations with other regions have shown similar levels of stimulation. The African continent captures only a fraction of China』s global trade and investment, 4.2 per cent and 2.7 per cent, respectively (Chinese State Council Information Office 2010; MOFCOM 2010a: 10). Indeed, increased outreach to Africa is merely a component of China』s growing global integration and culmination of the 「going global」 policy. In comparison to China』s foreign policy to-ward the US, Japan and the Taiwan issue, Africa is not a foreign policy priority.

在中國與非洲關係發展的腳步隨著貿易、援助和投資而加快的時候，也不要忘記中國與其他地區的關係發展狀況也十分類似。非洲大陸只佔中國全球貿易和投資很小的比例，分別佔4.2%和2.7%。事實上，在非洲的拓展只是中國持續增長的全球一體化和「走出去」戰略的一個組成部分。與中國對美、對日和對台問題相比較，非洲並不是中國外交政策的優先點。

However, Africa』s relations with China have received a disproportionate amount of international scrutiny (Li Anshan 2008: 17; He 2009: 48). Similarly, at least at the level of political rhetoric, Africa as a bloc has received considerable high-level political attention from China. Both President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao have made several multi-country trips to Africa in the last few years, both men playing active roles in China』s African foreign policy (Li Anshan 2009: 7). Such a shower of diplomatic attention or 「prestige diplomacy」 (Gill and Reilly 2007: 38) has served to facilitate an entry into the erstwhile 「forgotten continent」.

但是，非洲與中國的關係卻遭到了國際社會非同尋常的審視。與此類似，在政治層面，非洲作為一個整體，受到了中國高度的關注。國家主席胡錦濤和總理溫家寶在過去幾年均對非洲做過數次的多國訪問，二者均在中國對非外交政策中扮演重要角色。如此密集的外交關注或者「聲譽外交」使得中國正加速進入這片之前「被遺忘的大陸」。

China』s pragmatic policy shift toward economic concerns has been deeply reflected in the drive behind the PRC』s foreign diplomatic relations with African countries. Tangible political institutions have been set up to consolidate China』s increasing commercial ties with Africa. The establishment of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in 2000 has provided a diplomatic platform through which strategic large-scale investment deals are facilitated. (For instance, at FOCAC III in 2006, 1.9 billion USD in trade and investment deals were signed at the forum (Naidu 2007: 284).) China』s African Policy Paper, released in January 2006, is quite significant, as it was, at the time, only the second such policy paper dealing with an entire region to have been launched by the Chinese government (the first being the Europe Policy Paper of 2003). The region』s emergence in official documentation signified the acknowledgement of the importance of relations with Africa and established a top-down platform for deepening engagement (Li Anshan 2008: 9). This is described by Wu (2005: 99) as 「documentary politics」, and as one mechanism whereby implicit guidelines on policy implementation are filtered from high-level pronouncements such as these. Such documents convey information and policy directives 「like a nervous system」 – channeling information from leaders, who conceptualize it to bureaucrats, who implement it, thus providing a link between ideological rhetoric and day-to-day politics (Wu 2005: 102). The African policy document is, however, characteristically vague in terms of the specifics of how policy initiatives toward Africa should be implemented. This has left space for the various Chinese ministries engaged in Africa to create interpretations that fit most snugly with their own mandates, the agendas of which are becoming increasingly diversified.

中國著重經濟問題的實用主義政策在中國與非洲國家的外交關係中得到了深刻的反映。各種有形的政治機制已經建立起來以加強中國與非洲不斷增長的經濟聯繫。2000年設立的中非合作論壇為戰略性大規模投資協議的達成提供了外交平台。（例如，在2006年的第三屆中非合作論壇上，共簽署了價值19億美元的貿易和投資協議。）2006年1月，中國對非洲政策白皮書發布，這是繼2003年對歐洲政策白皮書後，中國政府針對某個大陸發布的第二份政策白皮書，因此顯得尤為重要。該文件的出台，標誌著中國政府承認與非洲關係的重要性，並且建立了一個深化關係的自上而下的平台。這種「文件政治」被用來將高層的聲明轉化為政策實施的具體指南。這種類型的文件傳遞著信息和政策指導，好似一個「神經系統」——在領袖、提出政策的人和實施政策的人之間的溝通管道，用以銜接政策理論和政策實物。然而，這份文件在對非政策如何執行上是模糊不清的。這就給中國政府的各個部門在對非問題上作出有利於部門許可權內的解釋留下了空間，這導致了非洲議題變得越來越分散。

This paper is based on fieldwork interviews conducted in Beijing from August 2009 to January 2010. The undertaking sought to further explain the policy mechanisms that occur in Beijing and that influence African states. Respondents were identified from a range of sectors, including several ministries in the Chinese government such as the MFA and the MOFCOM, African diplomats, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and foreign consultants. Selection was made through purposive snowball sampling, and a total of 71 semi-structured interviews were conducted; these varied in length from 30 minutes to 4 hours and were conducted in English, Chinese and Portuguese. Due to the sensitivity of the research subject, all respondents remain anonymous. During the course of the interviews, the nature of relations between the various Chinese government bodies, as well as their rapport with other significant actors, was established. It was also important to gather data from a range of respondents from various sectors, not only government officials, in order to understand the impact of China Exim Bank』s concessional loan financing and implementation.

本文基於2009年8月到2010年1月在北京的實地採訪而成，致力於對源自北京而影響非洲國家的外交機製作出進一步的解釋。被採訪人來自不同的領域，包括幾個政府部門如外交部和商務部，非洲的外交官，非政府組織，國有企業和外國顧問。採訪對象根據雪球式抽樣進行選擇，總共進行了71次半結構性的訪問；這些訪問從30分鐘到4個小時不等，使用了中文、英語和葡萄牙語。由於研究問題的敏感性，所有被採訪者均為匿名。通過這些採訪，可以看到中國政府各部門之間的關係以及他們與其他重要部門之間的協調一致。從來自不同領域而不僅僅是官方部門的被採訪者那裡收集數據，以理解中國進出口銀行的優惠貸款的融資和實施的影響，同樣是十分重要的。

Conclusion
This paper has shown that in the case of Africa, the MOFCOM』s star has risen whereas the MFA』s seems to be falling. Despite the MOFCOM』s formal equal ranking to the MFA, in reality the former has displayed distinctive mission creep and increasingly has more say in the handling of African affairs. This is due to the rising importance of concessional loans as a foreign policy tool, combined with a growing emphasis on commercial relations (raw materials and new markets) from Africa. Given the MOFCOM』s key role in these areas, the former is eclipsing the MFA』s role in policy implementation. This indicates that while Africa』s political importance remains – as both a large voting bloc in international forums such as the UN and as a proponent of the One China policy – the continent』s economic significance is currently given priority.  

結論︰本文的研究表明，在非洲，商務部的重要性在逐漸增加，而外交部則趨於下降。儘管二者的行政級別相同，但在實際中，前者在處理非洲事務上有著越來越多的話語權。這種趨勢既是由於優惠貸款作為一個外交工具不斷上升的重要性，也因為中國與非洲商業關係的日趨重要（原材料和新興市場）。鑒於商務部在這些領域的關鍵作用，外交部在政策執行中的角色正在弱化。這意味著儘管非洲在政治上的重要性仍然存在——是國際組織如聯合國中重要的票倉同時也是一個中國政策的支持者——這個大陸在經濟上的重要性目前處於優先地位。

In addition, the MOFCOM』s modus operandi seems to be much more aligned with that of China Exim Bank itself, whereas the MFA has less cordial relations with the bank (Anonymous 2). By teaming up with the MOFCOM, China Exim Bank is able to tread the fine line between gearing its operations toward a more commercial focus while at the same time claiming to pursue a policy-oriented mandate through its close co-operation with the MOFCOM, a government ministry.

另外，商務部似乎也更多的將自己的工作方式與中國進出口銀行的業務相結合，而外交部和銀行則不然。通過這種結合，中國進出口銀行可以同時完成兩個使命，一是完成商業目標，二是同時尋求達到一定的政治目的。