倍可親

這不是時間上的巧合,而是美國出賣瘟賊的真正原因

作者:weileguojia  於 2012-10-27 03:39 發表於 最熱鬧的華人社交網路--貝殼村

通用分類:政經軍事|已有5評論

中國央行行長為壟斷辯護 公然和溫家寶唱反調
中國人民銀行行長周小川在《金融研究》雜誌第九期發文:《金融危機中關於救助問題的爭論》,其中談到銀行業獲得高額壟斷利潤時說:中國除了工、農、中、建、交等大型銀行,還有數百家各種類型的中小商業銀行,還不包括2000多家農村信用社和村鎮銀行,因此說銀行業壟斷恐怕站不住腳。他還說,目前銀行業盈利能力較強、利潤較高也是客觀存在的,其背後有一些原因,但顯然不是壟斷造成的。

  這和今年4月溫家寶在南方調研時的講法大相徑庭。溫家寶在談到融資成本時,是說:「其實我這裡坦率地講,我們銀行獲得利潤太容易了。為什麼呢?就是少數幾大家銀行處於壟斷地位,只能到它那兒貸款才貸得來,別的地方很困難。我們現在所以解決民營資本進入金融領域,根本來講,就是要打破壟斷。中央已經統一了這個思想。」

  原來,溫家寶所言「統一思想」並不包括身為央行行長的中央委員周小川。說起銀行業,它是一個不直接創造財富,提供中間產品,通過金融服務推動企業和產業發展的行業。然而,今年一季度,在香港上市的中資企業中,惟銀行股一支獨秀,獲利將近一半。想一想,實體經濟不振,銀行業高增長,以至於有的銀行行長說利潤高得都不好意思公布了,這樣的旱澇保守是如何可能的?中國銀行業是高度行政壟斷行業,其高福利並非來自經營有方而是依靠壟斷利潤,這本是不言自明。然而,周小川罔顧事實,為什麼?是基於他的認知、利益,還是政治?在金融當局,持周小川觀點的並非獨一無二。兩年前,在一個論壇上,中國建設銀行副行長陳佐夫就說:銀行業除了四大銀行以外,還有幾十家股份制銀行,上百家地方性商業銀行,還有一大批外資銀行,儘管不能說競爭非常充分,但是不能說是壟斷的。」

  周小川的論證和陳副行長的論證如出一轍。如果說建行行長代表商業銀行的自身利益,希望維持其壟斷地位攫取壟斷利潤的話,那麼,以制定和執行貨幣政策,維護金融穩定,提供金融服務為職責的央行行長怎麼也會偏向國有大銀行?違背其作為國家銀行的職責立場呢?繼而需要追問的是,當行長(部長)和總理意見相左時,事關銀行業的政策決策由誰來拍板,又是聽取誰的諮詢意見?顯然,財金當局並無「統一思想」,佔壓倒地位的力量是使銀行業運行繼續遠離市場經濟準則,壟斷深不可破。

溫JB在開兩會的時候,一字一頓,咬牙切齒,最後真的把薄給釘死.弄三百人專案組,不釘死薄十八大開會日期都不定,怕薄上抬搞倒你溫家.你溫JB位高權重,先下手為強.還有臉坐在18大主席台上?!
紐時真狠:再曝溫家寶家人37億美元股權是收受的(圖)
「紐約時報」上個月報導中國總理溫家寶家人擁有巨額資產,促使溫家寶公開明志以示清白后,該報24日又刊出報導,描述溫家寶曾協助中國平安保險集團渡過難關,他的親人也獲得價值幾十億元的股權。

  報導中說,平安保險集團董事長馬明哲1999年向當時擔任副總理的溫家寶和當時的中國央行行長戴相龍陳情,促其放寬亞洲金融危機后施行的法規,以免財務窘困的該公司被迫遭分割。

  平安保險後來獲得保全,並成為市值500億元的中國最大金融服務機構之一。在幕後,平安保險否極泰來后,溫家寶的親人獲得了價值幾十億元的公司股票。

  平安保險向「紐時」發表聲明說,該公司嚴格遵守法規,可是不知道股東背後所有實體的背景。該公司也宣稱,股東彼此買賣股票是他們的正當權利。

  「紐約時報」報導溫家寶的親人在他晉入最高領導階層后財富劇增,資產遍及度假村、銀行、珠寶、電訊和其他企業。「紐時」的調查發現,其中最大的財富來源,是溫家人在平安保險獲准豁免分割規定大約八個月後購入的平安股票。

  管制機構和公司紀錄顯示,在大多數投資者可以購買平安股票之前,由溫家人控制的泰鴻控股公司,就從擁有平安股權的國營實體獲得大筆股權,而且泰鴻2002年12月購入的價格,只有英國滙豐控股公司兩個月前購股價碼的四分之一。

  到2004年6月,溫家人擁有的股權價值漲到原來的四倍。到2007年,泰鴻原來投資的6500萬美元已價值37億美元。

  「紐時」指出,幾千頁公開的公司文件顯示,溫家人的平安股票不是用自己的名字直接持有,而是透過層層隱晦的合夥機構隱匿。

  公司紀錄顯示,溫家人擁有的股權很可能在2007年底達到22億元的高峰,之後,泰鴻的股東紀錄就不再公開。由於泰鴻不再列入平安保險公開申報的資料里,溫家人是否繼續持股不得而知。

  亞洲金融風暴后,中國因擔心金融體系的穩定,在1999年規定大金融機構分割。溫家寶和戴相龍是否曾親自介入,使平安保險豁免分割,或溫家寶知不知道親人擁有平安股票,也不得而知。

  平安保險公司內部文件、向政府申報的紀錄、與銀行家和平安保險前高級主管進行的訪談,都顯示當時的副總理辦公室和中央銀行都曾參與平安保險申請豁免的會議,也有權力簽署豁免。

  紀錄顯示,只有另外兩家大規模的國營金融機構獲得類似的豁免,三家國營的大保險公司則被迫分割。

  北京的中國外交部沒有應要求對這篇報導置評。外交部發言人早先曾尖銳批評「紐時」調查溫家人的財務,斥之為「別具用心抹黑中國和中國領導人」。

  代表溫家的律師也駁斥「紐時」報導不實,並宣稱他們保留法律追訴權。中國政府則封鎖「紐時」在中國的英文和中文網站。

如果沒這事情,封網幹嗎?大大方方接受紐約時報的採訪,哪些是假的一一說清楚.
強烈呼籲國際社會介入溫家寶薄熙來的事件調查。因為我們已經不相信中央會秉公辦事
對溫家寶的爆料和對薄熙來的爆料態度天壤之別


The mother of China』s prime minister was a schoolteacher in northern China. His father was ordered to tend pigs in one of Mao』s political campaigns. And during childhood, 「my family was extremely poor,」 the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, said in a speech last year.

But now 90, the prime minister』s mother, Yang Zhiyun, not only left poverty behind, she became outright rich, at least on paper, according to corporate and regulatory records. Just one investment in her name, in a large Chinese financial services company, had a value of $120 million five years ago, the records show.

The details of how Ms. Yang, a widow, accumulated such wealth are not known, or even if she was aware of the holdings in her name. But it happened after her son was elevated to China』s ruling elite, first in 1998 as vice prime minister and then five years later as prime minister.

Many relatives of Wen Jiabao, including his son, daughter, younger brother and brother-in-law, have become extraordinarily wealthy during his leadership, an investigation by The New York Times shows. A review of corporate and regulatory records indicates that the prime minister』s relatives — some of whom, including his wife, have a knack for aggressive deal making — have controlled assets worth at least $2.7 billion.

In many cases, the names of the relatives have been hidden behind layers of partnerships and investment vehicles involving friends, work colleagues and business partners. Untangling their financial holdings provides an unusually detailed look at how politically connected people have profited from being at the intersection of government and business as state influence and private wealth converge in China』s fast-growing economy.

Unlike most new businesses in China, the family』s ventures sometimes received financial backing from state-owned companies, including China Mobile, one of the country』s biggest phone operators, the documents show. At other times, the ventures won support from some of Asia』s richest tycoons. The Times found that Mr. Wen』s relatives accumulated shares in banks, jewelers, tourist resorts, telecommunications companies and infrastructure projects, sometimes by using offshore entities.

The holdings include a villa development project in Beijing; a tire factory in northern China; a company that helped build some of Beijing』s Olympic stadiums, including the well-known 「Bird』s Nest」; and Ping An Insurance, one of the world』s biggest financial services companies.

As prime minister in an economy that remains heavily state-driven, Mr. Wen, who is best known for his simple ways and common touch, more importantly has broad authority over the major industries where his relatives have made their fortunes. Chinese companies cannot list their shares on a stock exchange without approval from agencies overseen by Mr. Wen, for example. He also has the power to influence investments in strategic sectors like energy and telecommunications.

Because the Chinese government rarely makes its deliberations public, it is not known what role — if any — Mr. Wen, who is 70, has played in most policy or regulatory decisions. But in some cases, his relatives have sought to profit from opportunities made possible by those decisions.

The prime minister』s younger brother, for example, has a company that was awarded more than $30 million in government contracts and subsidies to handle wastewater treatment and medical waste disposal for some of China』s biggest cities, according to estimates based on government records. The contracts were announced after Mr. Wen ordered tougher regulations on medical waste disposal in 2003 after the SARS outbreak.

In 2004, after the State Council, a government body Mr. Wen presides over, exempted Ping An Insurance and other companies from rules that limited their scope, Ping An went on to raise $1.8 billion in an initial public offering of stock. Partnerships controlled by Mr. Wen』s relatives — along with their friends and colleagues — made a fortune by investing in the company before the public offering.

In 2007, the last year the stock holdings were disclosed in public documents, those partnerships held as much as $2.2 billion worth of Ping An stock, according to an accounting of the investments by The Times that was verified by outside auditors. Ping An』s overall market value is now nearly $60 billion.

Ping An said in a statement that the company did 「not know the background of the entities behind our shareholders.」 The statement said, 「Ping An has no means to know the intentions behind shareholders when they buy and sell our shares.」

While Communist Party regulations call for top officials to disclose their wealth and that of their immediate family members, no law or regulation prohibits relatives of even the most senior officials from becoming deal-makers or major investors — a loophole that effectively allows them to trade on their family name. Some Chinese argue that permitting the families of Communist Party leaders to profit from the country』s long economic boom has been important to ensuring elite support for market-oriented reforms.

Even so, the business dealings of Mr. Wen』s relatives have sometimes been hidden in ways that suggest the relatives are eager to avoid public scrutiny, the records filed with Chinese regulatory authorities show. Their ownership stakes are often veiled by an intricate web of holdings as many as five steps removed from the operating companies, according to the review.

In the case of Mr. Wen』s mother, The Times calculated her stake in Ping An — valued at $120 million in 2007 — by examining public records and government-issued identity cards, and by following the ownership trail to three Chinese investment entities. The name recorded on his mother』s shares was Taihong, a holding company registered in Tianjin, the prime minister』s hometown.

The apparent efforts to conceal the wealth reflect the highly charged politics surrounding the country』s ruling elite, many of whom are also enormously wealthy but reluctant to draw attention to their riches. When Bloomberg News reported in June that the extended family of Vice President Xi Jinping, set to become China』s next president, had amassed hundreds of millions of dollars in assets, the Chinese government blocked access inside the country to the Bloomberg Web site.

「In the senior leadership, there』s no family that doesn』t have these problems,」 said a former government colleague of Wen Jiabao who has known him for more than 20 years and who spoke on the condition of anonymity. 「His enemies are intentionally trying to smear him by letting this leak out.」

The Times presented its findings to the Chinese government for comment. The Foreign Ministry declined to respond to questions about the investments, the prime minister or his relatives. Members of Mr. Wen』s family also declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment.

Duan Weihong, a wealthy businesswoman whose company, Taihong, was the investment vehicle for the Ping An shares held by the prime minister』s mother and other relatives, said the investments were actually her own. Ms. Duan, who comes from the prime minister』s hometown and is a close friend of his wife, said ownership of the shares was listed in the names of Mr. Wen』s relatives in an effort to conceal the size of Ms. Duan』s own holdings.

「When I invested in Ping An I didn』t want to be written about,」 Ms. Duan said, 「so I had my relatives find some other people to hold these shares for me.」

But it was an 「accident,」 she said, that her company chose the relatives of the prime minister as the listed shareholders — a process that required registering their official ID numbers and obtaining their signatures. Until presented with the names of the investors by The Times, she said, she had no idea that they had selected the relatives of Wen Jiabao.

The review of the corporate and regulatory records, which covers 1992 to 2012, found no holdings in Mr. Wen』s name. And it was not possible to determine from the documents whether he recused himself from any decisions that might have affected his relatives』 holdings, or whether they received preferential treatment on investments.

For much of his tenure, Wen Jiabao has been at the center of rumors and conjecture about efforts by his relatives to profit from his position. Yet until the review by The Times, there has been no detailed accounting of the family』s riches.

His wife, Zhang Beili, is one of the country』s leading authorities on jewelry and gemstones and is an accomplished businesswoman in her own right. By managing state diamond companies that were later privatized, The Times found, she helped her relatives parlay their minority stakes into a billion-dollar portfolio of insurance, technology and real estate ventures.

The couple』s only son sold a technology company he started to the family of Hong Kong』s richest man, Li Ka-shing, for $10 million, and used another investment vehicle to establish New Horizon Capital, now one of China』s biggest private equity firms, with partners like the government of Singapore, according to records and interviews with bankers.

The prime minister』s younger brother, Wen Jiahong, controls $200 million in assets, including wastewater treatment plants and recycling businesses, the records show.

As prime minister, Mr. Wen has staked out a position as a populist and a reformer, someone whom the state-run media has nicknamed 「the People』s Premier」 and 「Grandpa Wen」 because of his frequent outings to meet ordinary people, especially in moments of crisis like natural disasters.

While it is unclear how much the prime minister knows about his family』s wealth, State Department documents released by the WikiLeaks organization in 2010 included a cable that suggested Mr. Wen was aware of his relatives』 business dealings and unhappy about them.

「Wen is disgusted with his family』s activities, but is either unable or unwilling to curtail them,」 a Chinese-born executive working at an American company in Shanghai told American diplomats, according to the 2007 cable.

China』s 『Diamond Queen』

It is no secret in China』s elite circles that the prime minister』s wife, Zhang Beili, is rich, and that she has helped control the nation』s jewelry and gem trade. But her lucrative diamond businesses became an off-the-charts success only as her husband moved into the country』s top leadership ranks, the review of corporate and regulatory records by The Times found.

A geologist with an expertise in gemstones, Ms. Zhang is largely unknown among ordinary Chinese. She rarely travels with the prime minister or appears with him, and there are few official photographs of the couple together. And while people who have worked with her say she has a taste for jade and fine diamonds, they say she usually dresses modestly, does not exude glamour and prefers to wield influence behind the scenes, much like the relatives of other senior leaders.

The State Department documents released by WikiLeaks included a suggestion that Mr. Wen had once considered divorcing Ms. Zhang because she had exploited their relationship in her diamond trades. Taiwanese television reported in 2007 that Ms. Zhang had bought a pair of jade earrings worth about $275,000 at a Beijing trade show, though the source — a Taiwanese trader — later backed off the claim and Chinese government censors moved swiftly to block coverage of the subject in China, according to news reports at the time.

「Her business activities are known to everyone in the leadership,」 said one banker who worked with relatives of Wen Jiabao. The banker said it was not unusual for her office to call upon businesspeople. 「And if you get that call, how can you say no?」

Zhang Beili first gained influence in the 1990s, while working as a regulator at the Ministry of Geology. At the time, China』s jewelry market was still in its infancy.

While her husband was serving in China』s main leadership compound, known as Zhongnanhai, Ms. Zhang was setting industry standards in the jewelry and gem trade. She helped create the National Gemstone Testing Center in Beijing, and the Shanghai Diamond Exchange, two of the industry』s most powerful institutions.

In a country where the state has long dominated the marketplace, jewelry regulators often decided which companies could set up diamond-processing factories, and which would gain entry to the retail jewelry market. State regulators even formulated rules that required diamond sellers to buy certificates of authenticity for any diamond sold in China, from the government-run testing center in Beijing, which Ms. Zhang managed.

As a result, when executives from Cartier or De Beers visited China with hopes of selling diamonds and jewelry here, they often went to visit Ms. Zhang, who became known as China』s 「diamond queen.」

「She』s the most important person there,」 said Gaetano Cavalieri, president of the World Jewelry Confederation in Switzerland. 「She was bridging relations between partners — Chinese and foreign partners.」

As early as 1992, people who worked with Ms. Zhang said, she had begun to blur the line between government official and businesswoman. As head of the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, she began investing the state company』s money in start-ups. And by the time her husband was named vice premier, in 1998, she was busy setting up business ventures with friends and relatives.

The state company she ran invested in a group of affiliated diamond companies, according to public records. Many of them were run by Ms. Zhang』s relatives — or colleagues who had worked with her at the National Gemstone Testing Center.

In 1993, for instance, the state company Ms. Zhang ran helped found Beijing Diamond, a big jewelry retailer. A year later, one of her younger brothers, Zhang Jianming, and two of her government colleagues personally acquired 80 percent of the company, according to shareholder registers. Beijing Diamond invested in Shenzhen Diamond, which was controlled by her brother-in-law, Wen Jiahong, the prime minister』s younger brother.

Among the successful undertakings was Sino-Diamond, a venture financed by the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, which she headed. The company had business ties with a state-owned company managed by another brother, Zhang Jiankun, who worked as an official in Jiaxing, Ms. Zhang』s hometown, in Zhejiang Province.

In the summer of 1999, after securing agreements to import diamonds from Russia and South Africa, Sino-Diamond went public, raising $50 million on the Shanghai Stock Exchange. The offering netted Ms. Zhang』s family about $8 million, according to corporate filings.

Although she was never listed as a shareholder, former colleagues and business partners say Ms. Zhang』s early diamond partnerships were the nucleus of a larger portfolio of companies she would later help her family and colleagues gain a stake in.

The Times found no indication that Wen Jiabao used his political clout to influence the diamond companies his relatives invested in. But former business partners said that the family』s success in diamonds, and beyond, was often bolstered with financial backing from wealthy businessmen who sought to curry favor with the prime minister』s family.

「After Wen became prime minister, his wife sold off some of her diamond investments and moved into new things,」 said a Chinese executive who did business with the family. He asked not to be named because of fear of government retaliation. Corporate records show that beginning in the late 1990s, a series of rich businessmen took turns buying up large stakes in the diamond companies, often from relatives of Mr. Wen, and then helped them reinvest in other lucrative ventures, like real estate and finance.

According to corporate records and interviews, the businessmen often supplied accountants and office space to investment partnerships partly controlled by the relatives.

「When they formed companies,」 said one businessman who set up a company with members of the Wen family, 「Ms. Zhang stayed in the background. That』s how it worked.」

The Only Son

Late one evening early this year, the prime minister』s only son, Wen Yunsong, was in the cigar lounge at Xiu, an upscale bar and lounge at the Park Hyatt in Beijing. He was having cocktails as Beijing』s nouveau riche gathered around, clutching designer bags and wearing expensive business suits, according to two guests who were present.

In China, the children of senior leaders are widely believed to be in a class of their own. Known as 「princelings,」 they often hold Ivy League degrees, get V.I.P. treatment, and are even offered preferred pricing on shares in hot stock offerings.

They are also known as people who can get things done in China』s heavily regulated marketplace, where the state controls access. And in recent years, few princelings have been as bold as the younger Mr. Wen, who goes by the English name Winston and is about 40 years old.

A Times review of Winston Wen』s investments, and interviews with people who have known him for years, show that his deal-making has been extensive and lucrative, even by the standards of his princeling peers.

State-run giants like China Mobile have formed start-ups with him. In recent years, Winston Wen has been in talks with Hollywood studios about a financing deal.

Concerned that China does not have an elite boarding school for Chinese students, he recently hired the headmasters of Choate and Hotchkiss in Connecticut to oversee the creation of a $150 million private school now being built in the Beijing suburbs.

Winston Wen and his wife, moreover, have stakes in the technology industry and an electric company, as well as an indirect stake in Union Mobile Pay, the government-backed online payment platform — all while living in the prime minister』s residence, in central Beijing, according to corporate records and people familiar with the family』s investments.

「He』s not shy about using his influence to get things done,」 said one venture capitalist who regularly meets with Winston Wen.

The younger Mr. Wen declined to comment. But in a telephone interview, his wife, Yang Xiaomeng, said her husband had been unfairly criticized for his business dealings.

「Everything that has been written about him has been wrong,」 she said. 「He』s really not doing that much business anymore.」

Winston Wen was educated in Beijing and then earned an engineering degree from the Beijing Institute of Technology. He went abroad and earned a master』s degree in engineering materials from the University of Windsor, in Canada, and an M.B.A. from the Kellogg School of Business at Northwestern University in Evanston, Ill., just outside Chicago.

When he returned to China in 2000, he helped set up three successful technology companies in five years, according to people familiar with those deals. Two of them were sold to Hong Kong businessmen, one to the family of Li Ka-shing, one of the wealthiest men in Asia.

Winston Wen』s earliest venture, an Internet data services provider called Unihub Global, was founded in 2000 with $2 million in start-up capital, according to Hong Kong and Beijing corporate filings. Financing came from a tight-knit group of relatives and his mother』s former colleagues from government and the diamond trade, as well as an associate of Cheng Yu-tung, patriarch of Hong Kong』s second-wealthiest family. The firm』s earliest customers were state-owned brokerage houses and Ping An, in which the Wen family has held a large financial stake.

He made an even bolder move in 2005, by pushing into private equity when he formed New Horizon Capital with a group of Chinese-born classmates from Northwestern. The firm quickly raised $100 million from investors, including SBI Holdings, a division of the Japanese group SoftBank, and Temasek, the Singapore government investment fund.

Under Mr. Wen, New Horizon established itself as a leading private equity firm, investing in biotech, solar, wind and construction equipment makers. Since it began operations, the firm has returned about $430 million to investors, a fourfold profit, according to SBI Holdings.

「Their first fund was dynamite,」 said Kathleen Ng, editor of Asia Private Equity Review, an industry publication in Hong Kong. 「And that allowed them to raise a lot more money.」

Today, New Horizon has more than $2.5 billion under management.

Some of Winston Wen』s deal-making, though, has attracted unwanted attention for the prime minister.

In 2010, when New Horizon acquired a 9 percent stake in a company called Sihuan Pharmaceuticals just two months before its public offering, the Hong Kong Stock Exchange said the late-stage investment violated its rules and forced the firm to return the stake. Still, New Horizon made a $46.5 million profit on the sale.

Soon after, New Horizon announced that Winston Wen had handed over day-to-day operations and taken up a position at the China Satellite Communications Corporation, a state-owned company that has ties to the Chinese space program. He has since been named chairman.

The Tycoons

In the late 1990s, Duan Weihong was managing an office building and several other properties in Tianjin, the prime minister』s hometown in northern China, through her property company, Taihong. She was in her 20s and had studied at the Nanjing University of Science and Technology.

Around 2002, Ms. Duan went into business with several relatives of Wen Jiabao, transforming her property company into an investment vehicle of the same name. The company helped make Ms. Duan very wealthy.

It is not known whether Ms. Duan, now 43, is related to the prime minister. In a series of interviews, she first said she did not know any members of the Wen family, but later described herself as a friend of the family and particularly close to Zhang Beili, the prime minister』s wife. As happened to a handful of other Chinese entrepreneurs, Ms. Duan』s fortunes soared as she teamed up with the relatives and their network of friends and colleagues, though she described her relationship with them involving the shares in Ping An as existing on paper only and having no financial component.

Ms. Duan and other wealthy businesspeople — among them, six billionaires from across China — have been instrumental in getting multimillion-dollar ventures off the ground and, at crucial times, helping members of the Wen family set up investment vehicles to profit from them, according to investment bankers who have worked with all parties.

Established in Tianjin, Taihong had spectacular returns. In 2002, the company paid about $65 million to acquire a 3 percent stake in Ping An before its initial public offering, according to corporate records and Ms. Duan』s graduate school thesis. Five years later, those shares were worth $3.7 billion

The company』s Hong Kong affiliate, Great Ocean, also run by Ms. Duan, later formed a joint venture with the Beijing government and acquired a huge tract of land adjacent to Capital International Airport. Today, the site is home to a sprawling cargo and logistics center. Last year, Great Ocean sold its 53 percent stake in the project to a Singapore company for nearly $400 million.

That deal and several other investments, in luxury hotels, Beijing villa developments and the Hong Kong-listed BBMG, one of China』s largest building materials companies, have been instrumental to Ms. Duan』s accumulation of riches, according to The Times』s review of corporate records.

The review also showed that over the past decade there have been nearly three dozen individual shareholders of Taihong, many of whom are either relatives of Wen Jiabao or former colleagues of his wife.

The other wealthy entrepreneurs who have worked with the prime minister』s relatives declined to comment for this article. Ms. Duan strongly denied having financial ties to the prime minister or his relatives and said she was only trying to avoid publicity by listing others as owning Ping An shares. 「The money I invested in Ping An was completely my own,」 said Ms. Duan, who has served as a member of the Ping An board of supervisors. 「Everything I did was legal.」

Another wealthy partner of the Wen relatives has been Cheng Yu-tung, who controls the Hong Kong conglomerate New World Development and is one of the richest men in Asia, worth about $15 billion, according to Forbes.

In the 1990s, New World was seeking a foothold in mainland China for a sister company that specializes in high-end retail jewelry. The retail chain, Chow Tai Fook, opened its first store in China in 1998.

Mr. Cheng and his associates invested in a diamond venture backed by the relatives of Mr. Wen and co-invested with them in an array of corporate entities, including Sino-Life, National Trust and Ping An, according to records and interviews with some of those involved. Those investments by Mr. Cheng are now worth at least $5 billion, according to the corporate filings. Chow Tai Fook, the jewelry chain, has also flourished. Today, China accounts for 60 percent of the chain』s $4.2 billion in annual revenue.

Mr. Cheng, 87, could not be reached for comment. Calls to New World Development were not returned.

Fallout for Premier

In the winter of 2007, just before he began his second term as prime minister, Wen Jiabao called for new measures to fight corruption, particularly among high-ranking officials.

「Leaders at all levels of government should take the lead in the antigraft drive,」 he told a gathering of high-level party members in Beijing. 「They should strictly ensure that their family members, friends and close subordinates do not abuse government influence.」

The speech was consistent with the prime minister』s earlier drive to toughen disclosure rules for public servants, and to require senior officials to reveal their family assets.

Whether Mr. Wen has made such disclosures for his own family is unclear, since the Communist Party does not release such information. Even so, many of the holdings found by The Times would not need to be disclosed under the rules since they are not held in the name of the prime minister』s immediate family — his wife, son and daughter.

Eighty percent of the $2.7 billion in assets identified in The Times』s investigation and verified by the outside auditors were held by, among others, the prime minister』s mother, his younger brother, two brothers-in-law, a sister-in-law, daughter-in-law and the parents of his son』s wife, none of whom is subject to party disclosure rules. The total value of the relatives』 stake in Ping An is based on calculations by The Times that were confirmed by the auditors. The total includes shares held by the relatives that were sold between 2004 and 2006, and the value of the remaining shares in late 2007, the last time the holdings were publicly disclosed.

Legal experts said that determining the precise value of holdings in China could be difficult because there might be undisclosed side agreements about the true beneficiaries.

「Complex corporate structures are not necessarily insidious,」 said Curtis J. Milhaupt, a Columbia University Law School professor who has studied China』s corporate group structures. 「But in a system like China』s, where corporate ownership and political power are closely intertwined, shell companies magnify questions about who owns what and where the money came from.」

Among the investors in the Wen family ventures are longtime business associates, former colleagues and college classmates, including Yu Jianming, who attended Northwestern with Winston Wen, and Zhang Yuhong, a longtime colleague of Wen Jiahong, the prime minister』s younger brother. The associates did not return telephone calls seeking comment.

Revelations about the Wen family』s wealth could weaken him politically.

Next month, at the 18th Party Congress in Beijing, the Communist Party is expected to announce a new generation of leaders. But the selection process has already been marred by one of the worst political scandals in decades, the downfall of Bo Xilai, the Chongqing party boss, who was vying for a top position.

In Beijing, Wen Jiabao is expected to step down as prime minister in March at the end of his second term. Political analysts say that even after leaving office he could remain a strong backstage political force. But documents showing that his relatives amassed a fortune during his tenure could diminish his standing, the analysts said.

「This will affect whatever residual power Wen has,」 said Minxin Pei, an expert on Chinese leadership and a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California.

The prime minister』s supporters say he has not personally benefited from his extended family』s business dealings, and may not even be knowledgeable about the extent of them.

Last March, the prime minister hinted that he was at least aware of the persistent rumors about his relatives. During a nationally televised news conference in Beijing, he insisted that he had 「never pursued personal gain」 in public office.

「I have the courage to face the people and to face history,」 he said in an emotional session. 「There are people who will appreciate what I have done, but there are also people who will criticize me. Ultimately, history will have the final say.」

《紐約時報》星期五披露,中國政府官員在揭露溫家寶家族財富的報道刊發前一天到《紐約時報》交涉,試圖阻止其刊發,但時報不為所動,第二天照樣刊出報道。另據明鏡新聞網星期六報道,前往時報交涉的是中國駐美大使;並指正因為北京施壓,才激發了《紐約時報》的報道熱情。時報稱,新聞價值常與商業利益不一致,為了成為真正的世界新聞媒體,時報「拿出了勇氣」。

「中共駐美大使張業遂周三前往《紐約時報》,強硬地向《紐約時報》高層宣布了六點,目的在於阻止揭露溫家寶家族財富的報導發表。」 不願透露姓名的消息來源說,張業遂指《紐約時報》的報道會破壞中美關係。消息來源還說,中國駐紐約總領事孫國祥先於張業遂前往《紐約時報》試圖阻止文章發表。

溫家宏的海南漢氏環境投資有限公司就是號稱污水處理公司。該公司在2003年以區區3750萬美元買下了中國最大地產商恆大地產16.5%的股票。在2011年薄熙來出事之前脫手。恆大地產那時的價值是1200多億。
溫家宏在恆大的股權在2003年恆大的公開的年度報告中就公開提及。
溫家宏在深圳還有綠景地產。也在2011年,薄熙來出事之前脫手。
溫家寶的兒子溫雲松也在薄熙來出事前被緊急安排退出新天域而進如中國衛通,
這一切都說明薄熙來當時在整溫家寶的黑材料。只有這才能解釋溫家寶在記者會上氣急敗壞的原因。
溫賊聲明已承認其子用基金給外國資金3年賺500倍利潤,套空中國投資者, 賺起20%的傭金。漢奸賣國瘟賊遺臭萬年

居民事後回憶,事發前一周,曾經見5個蓬頭垢面的小男孩在附近活動,5個孩子曾出現在畢節學院門口,攔路抱腿要錢。5個人買一大碗米粉要了5雙筷子。五兄弟悶死垃圾箱前的一兩天,一位路人用手機在畢節學院路段地下通道階梯上照的。這裡距離孩子出事的地點也就百米左右(翻拍圖)。

  從乾溝苗寨(即擦槍岩村團結組)通往村委會的路有兩條:一條是步行需要一小時的土公路,一條是必須翻越亂石、密林的山路。山路路程短,卻險峻難行。

  從擦槍岩村通往海子街鎮的盤山公路,則是九曲十八彎,車行還需三小時。而從海子街鎮到畢節市區的路,也有13公里。

  這條曲折的路,5個10歲上下的孩子走過多回。2012年11月5日(一說是10月底),他們相伴著走出山寨,從此再沒回來。十多天後,一個寒冷的雨夜,他們並排躺進畢節市七星關區流倉橋辦事處樓下空置的垃圾箱內,終結了流浪的童年。

  慟哭

  「養不教,父之過」,說出這句話的時候,陶進才完全不像只有小學一年級文化的老農。

  12月20日的下午,濃霧籠罩的山野,能見度不足五十米。陶進才隻身一人在半山腰犁地,面對一批接一批地翻山越嶺來尋訪的記者,這位56歲的漢子終於失聲痛哭。兩天前,噩耗傳回苗寨,陶進才白天進山犁地,晚上割草餵豬,直至失眠的深夜,才起身獨自到牛棚里尋找5個侄兒的身影。

  陶家五兄弟中,陶進才排行第一。遇難的侄兒中,13歲的陶中林是老二陶進友的兒子;12歲的陶中金(陶中井)和11歲的陶中紅是老四陶學元的孩子,12歲的陶沖、9歲的陶波的父親是老五陶元伍。

  作為大伯父,陶進才知道孩子們在家挨打挨罵時,常常躲進牛棚——去年夏天,陶中林離家出走,在海子街鎮上流浪一個星期,被老二陶進友追回家「捆繩子」,遭一頓暴打之後,就睡在了牛棚里。陶進才沒有料到,5個孩子會在一夜之間以一種匪夷所思的方式死在了一起。畢節官方的通報稱,他們死於「意外」,是在垃圾箱內生火致中毒死亡。

  離家

  背靠深山,人多地少,使擦槍岩成為海子街鎮最貧困的鄉村,而苗寨則是全鎮最窮的村組。村幹部說,人均年收入不足1500元,年輕人基本都選擇了外出打工。

  為了省下一點車費,陶家兩兄弟學元、元伍2012年春節前就南下深圳「找錢」,陶學元還帶上了老婆和幾個年長的孩子。留在家的陶中井、陶中紅和陶沖、陶波,很快陷入困境。「長到十歲,就要拉扯弟弟妹妹了。」陶進才說,陶家大人們經常兩三個月才寄一次錢回家,一次兩三百,根本不夠吃。五個孩子平時的伙食,就是稀飯和鹽巴。

  「吃不飽,更不談上學了。」陶進才說,五個孩子中,三個是「黑戶」,念了幾天書,就被老師攆回家了。輟學的孩子們經常結伴去苞谷地里掰玉米、摳土豆,鄰居們找上門,陶進才也無奈,「二三十個孩子,我自己還有七個孫子,實在管不過來。」

  遠在外地「拾荒」的父母也極少過問孩子的事,陶元伍乾脆從不打電話。失去管教的孩子,像斷線的風箏,循著父母的腳步,開始四處流浪。2011年年底,陶沖和幾個孩子就出現在畢節市區的各個角落。

  直至今年11月5日(一說10月底),在家務農的老二陶進友喊兒子陶中林去地里割豬草,陶中林提起褲子,一溜煙跑了。不一會兒,鄰居就看見5個孩子沿著那條險峻的山路翻出山寨,走向了人生最後的驛站。

  流浪

  郝行(化名)是陶家孩子流浪生涯的最初見證者之一,或許,也是他們留在人世間最溫暖的回憶。如果上天能給他們的相遇相交再長一點時間,悲劇很可能逆轉。

  2011年12月27日深夜,畢節市區雙井寺車站附近,匆忙回家的郝行,看到兩個蓬頭垢面的孩子圍在一家餐館門外的火爐邊烤火,其中一個身著一件單衣,「拉鏈爛了,露著胸口。」嚴冬的季節,夜不歸宿的孩子瞬間勾起了他十幾年前的回憶——1998年前後,15歲的郝行為了學武,毅然離開了貧寒的老家,在河南少林寺外流浪多月,終獲善人相助,漸漸走向了自強的人生。

  郝行走過去,問了一句「冷嗎?」

  孩子回答:不冷,有點餓。

  郝行把他們帶進一家麵館,給了一人一大碗熱面。交談中,孩子自稱是畢節市大方縣人,父母離婚,父親出去打工,和爺爺奶奶在一起,整天放牛,沒吃的沒用的,父母也不給錢。

  15歲起離家流浪、備嘗人世艱辛的郝行,在28日的凌晨1點,送兩個孩子「回家」。那是畢節南關橋附近的街道上一處與變壓器箱相連的封閉「小屋」,不足兩平方米,一床破舊的被褥下曾擠過6個流浪小孩。其中之一,正是陶元伍的兒子陶沖。

  「前幾天太冷,幾個小孩子用撿到的汽油燒火烤,陶沖的臉和腿都被燒傷。」郝行指著他當晚拍下的照片,回憶說,他當時掏出20元錢,讓陶沖買點葯。陶沖回答:不用買葯了,腿壞了,這兩天出不去了,要不了錢,這錢留著吃飯。

  此後的十多天里,郝行幾乎每天都去「小屋」,囑咐孩子們「餓了不要去偷」。某一個晚上,腿被燒傷的陶沖獨自睡在「小屋」里,對郝行說:小夥伴們嫌 「小屋」太小,要讓給「病人」,就去城裡的電視塔下睡覺了。

  以前,他們還睡過商場的地下通道,後來被撿廢品的大人搶走了地盤。「我現在小,過幾年就可以出去打工了,我也想讀書,但是家裡沒人管我,我就不讀了。」陶沖說。

  救助

  郝行下決心像當年自己遇到的「善人」一樣,救助這些孩子,直到他們成年。他把自己每天去「小屋」看孩子的照片發布在網路上,呼籲人們幫助他建立一個「流浪兒童之家」,他甚至說通了畢節一家私立學校的校長,減半收取學費,讓這些孩子讀書。

  「小一點的孩子上學,大一點的我帶著,教他們手藝。」愛心終於得到了回應,郝行的舉動不但觸動了當地不少網民,還引發了媒體的關注。當地一家報紙連續發出四篇系列報道,陶沖等6名流浪兒童的生存現狀引發了空前的關注。

  此時,民政部門坐不住了。2012年1月12日,民政局將6名流浪兒童全部找到。民政局領導還親自打電話請郝行前去看望,告訴他,孩子們「理了發、洗了澡,都安頓好了,正在聯繫家人」。

  郝行沒料到,沒過多久,他在街上又遇到和陶沖一起流浪的兒童,說是呆在民政局安置點裡「沒有自由,上廁所都要按時」,於是,砸壞窗戶、撬開門鎖逃了出來。「我覺得民政局肯定有責任,為什麼要撬開門鎖跑呢?肯定是感覺不到溫暖。」

  死亡
  又一個冬天來臨,陶沖和他的4個兄弟在饑寒中結束了流浪的童年。
  11月19日晚,貴州畢節七星關區流倉橋辦事處,門面房老闆李起國,在陶沖兄弟5人遇難的地方久久徘徊。3天前,他們親眼看見孩子們的遺體被拖車運走。「不是殯儀館的靈車,是拖垃圾的車拖走的,把垃圾箱的蓋子一蓋,直接就拉走了。」 李起國說,那一刻,他覺得,孩子的遺體被當做了垃圾。
  李起國回憶,出事的垃圾箱是七星關區流倉橋辦事處半個多月前新購置的,還沒來得及分發到各個街道,孩子們差不多也是同時來到附近落腳的,他們白天出門乞討,晚上回到辦事處樓下的工地圍牆內烤火過夜。
  街道上的小攤主和門面房老闆都對他們留下了印象,但是,街道辦卻否認見過他們。「誰管這事?也沒人問,也沒人管。我看著很可憐,還想過收養其中一個孩子,但一想他們都太大了。」 李起國說。

  物是人非,3天後,又一個細雨紛紛的夜晚,垃圾桶正對著的工地,一段被熏黑的圍牆下,仍散落著一副羽毛球拍、幾塊木質三合板,這是孩子們留下的全部痕迹。
月20日,5個死亡男孩的伯伯陶進才接受記者採訪。身旁是陶家小孩。新京報/劉剛
  5個孩子的老家在畢節市七星關區海子街鎮擦槍岩村,擦槍岩村是一個苗族村,5個孩子的父輩們兄妹9人,五子四女,在喪子的父親中,陶進友老二;陶學元老四,陶元伍老五。記者向陶進才要幾張5個孩子生前的照片時,陶進才笑了笑說,這些孩子沒有拍過照片。圖為11月20日,貴州畢節,死者家的土坯房外景。
  陶進才在家務農。青壯年外出打工是這個苗家寨子大部分家庭的現狀。「地少人多」,陶進才說種莊稼一年下來一家人全部收入兩三千元。圖為11月20日,貴州畢節,死者家裡很簡陋
  在擦槍岩村,還有很多村民,像陶家兄弟一樣,住在逢雨便漏的土坯房裡。其中,陶元伍的家境最差,一間土坯房內只有2張空床和一張破爛的柜子,房間散發出惡臭,地上堆著生火做飯的磚塊。圖為11月20日,貴州畢節,死者家的土坯房內,家徒四壁。
  陶進才說,老二陶進友育有4子3女,老四陶學元3子1女,陶元伍3個都是男娃。陶學元和陶元伍都在深圳打工,「撿垃圾、收廢品」。陶氏兄弟每月工資1400-1500元,省吃儉用,會給老家的孩子寄點錢,買米吃飯。圖為11月20日,貴州畢節,死者家的土坯房外景。
  這個與街頭變壓器箱相連的不足兩平米的封閉空間,是2011年12月27日至2012年1月10日陶沖等6名流浪兒童晚上睡覺的地方。東方早報
  11月16日,5名男孩被發現死於貴州畢節市七星關區街頭垃圾箱內。事發垃圾箱位於畢節市七星關區環東路,距流倉橋辦事處約100米。19日,事發人行道,垃圾箱已由三個減至一個。「悶死」男孩的垃圾箱已被運走。
  11月16日,5名男孩被發現死於貴州畢節市七星關區街頭垃圾箱內。事發垃圾箱位於畢節市七星關區環東路,距流倉橋辦事處約100米。
16日,5名男孩被發現死於貴州畢節市七星關區街頭垃圾箱內。事發垃圾箱位於畢節市七星關區環東路,距流倉橋辦事處約100米。
  11月16日,5名男孩被發現死於貴州畢節市七星關區街頭垃圾箱內。事發垃圾箱位於畢節市七星關區環東路,距流倉橋辦事處約100米。
  11月16日,5名男孩被發現死於貴州畢節市七星關區街頭垃圾箱內。事發垃圾箱位於畢節市七星關區環東路,距流倉橋辦事處約100米。
  11月16日,5名男孩被發現死於貴州畢節市七星關區街頭垃圾箱內。事發垃圾箱位於畢節市七星關區環東路,距流倉橋辦事處約100米。
  11月16日,5名男孩被發現死於貴州畢節市七星關區街頭垃圾箱內。事發垃圾箱位於畢節市七星關區環東路,距流倉橋辦事處約100米。

  11月16日,5名男孩被發現死於貴州畢節市七星關區街頭垃圾箱內。事發垃圾箱位於畢節市七星關區環東路,距流倉橋辦事處約100米。事發垃圾箱位於人行道上,垃圾箱近一人高,為綠底白蓋,蓋子可以打開

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發表評論 評論 (5 個評論)

回復 weileguojia 2012-10-27 08:38
yedav01: Your writing title is 這不是時間上的巧合,而是美國出賣瘟賊的真正原因.

But I checked the whole paper and did not find any 美國 word, so how 美國出賣?? ...
Chinese bank system as-is is the most self-defeating system in the world. Whoever dares to challenge it will be in trouble. Wen wants to challenge it not for the good of China but for the good of his family though.
回復 weileguojia 2012-10-27 10:41
溫這個WBD 當然不是好鳥。但9頭豬有一個好的嗎?
中國必須多黨制才能從腐爛中康復,別TMD 今天這個愛將明天那個幹將了。包括鄧江朱胡在內都是白痴+腐敗。都是黃鼠狼生耗子。
回復 weileguojia 2012-10-28 22:51
咱不知道黑手黨都感謝什麼,現在的全世界最黑的黑手黨應該是中國的那個騙子黨了。
回復 weileguojia 2013-4-12 05:01
溫的另一個秘書田學斌問題更大,據稱僅其中一次接受丁書苗的單筆賄賂,就高達5000萬人民幣(約合)。田學斌平時被周圍人稱作溫的「二秘」,既管溫家寶的公務,也管溫家寶的家務。
馬馼護駕溫家寶拆彈,大秘丘小雄調職免災。
原國務院辦公廳秘書王維工受賄1293萬獲判死緩

10年總理三任國務院秘書都有事,這是個什麼事?

難道把薄同劉胡亂聯繫起來就可以污衊薄,並為溫27億開脫溜走?
溫的另一個秘書田學斌問題更大,據稱僅其中一次接受丁書苗的單筆賄賂,就高達5000萬人民幣(約合)。田學斌平時被周圍人稱作溫的「二秘」,既管溫家寶的公務,也管溫家寶的家務。


  這位中紀委司局級幹部稱,田學斌涉案后,溫家寶周圍的人一度很緊張,但後來又安穩下來。因為中央最高層有一種考慮,怕一旦追究,一國總理身陷腐敗醜聞,對黨的形象可能產生不可逆料的惡劣影響。田學斌案反而弄得高層有些投鼠忌器,對腐敗傳聞纏身的溫家寶變得有利起來。

  田學斌是甘肅會寧人,據悉,田由溫的舊部推薦,很早就到中辦擔任溫的秘書,後跟到國辦。2008年12月溫提拔他當國務院研究室副主任。海外有文章稱,田學斌除了為溫拎包,幹些牽馬墜蹬的苦活外,還是溫家信任的經商管家。溫愛惜自己的名譽,一些涉及溫家經濟利益的事,都由田學斌直接出面,代表溫夫人張蓓莉給各省或各部打招唿。溫夫人、溫雲松、溫家寶的弟弟溫家宏的經商活動,都離不開這位田二秘跑前跑后的安排。

  「關於田的博弈還沒有完。因為常委中有人堅持要追究,溫不一定能壓得住。溫家寶讓妻子親自出面,找中紀委的一位負責人,要求務必保田學斌過關,」這位幹部稱。

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