被預言的謀殺（3）

5月11日星期一上午，科羅姆總統去他的主辦公室工作，辦公室位於總統府的第二層，是一間安全無窗的房子。該建築的地下有一條地道通往國宮。這兩棟建築【譯註：指總統府和國宮】都是豪爾赫·烏必哥（Jorge Ubico）下令建造的，烏必哥是該國1930年代至1940年代初當政的元首，他視自己為拿破崙再生，那一紀念性的石建築【譯註：指國宮】顯露出他的狂妄自大。（該建築充斥著五道拱門之主題，這是向Ubico五個字母致敬。）科羅姆在辦公室與宮殿之間來往穿梭時，面對的都是該國暴力史的暗示：行政辦公室是一位總統在政變中被罷黜的地方；餐廳則是一位軍事獨裁者遭警衛人員刺殺的地方，該警衛人員隨後飲彈自殺。

Colom, who was fifty-seven, was unusually reticent for a politician. Tall and severely thin, with bent shoulders, receding gray hair, and owlish glasses, he looked like a seminarian, which he had studied to be before turning to politics. A congenital lip deformity caused him to speak in a nasal, almost unintelligible whisper. He had experienced a number of tragedies: his first wife was killed in a car accident, and in 1979 his uncle, a popular progressive politician, joined Guatemala』s pantheon of martyrs when the military, after chasing him through the capital on motorcycles and in a helicopter, assassinated him.

　　科羅姆時年57歲，身為政治家，他異乎尋常的少言寡語。瘦高的個子，屈起的肩膀，謝頂的白髮，加上貓頭鷹式的眼鏡，他看去如同一位神學院學生，在轉攻政治之前，他確實學的是神學。天生的嘴唇畸形致使他說話帶有鼻音，耳語般幾乎聽不大清。他經歷過數次人生慘劇：他結髮妻子死於車禍；1979年，他的叔叔，一位頗受歡迎的進步政治家，成為瓜地馬拉眾位烈士中的一員，軍方先是在首都動用摩托車和直升機對其追捕，而後將其暗殺。

In 2007, Colom, representing a social-democratic coalition, won the Presidency—the first time in five decades that a left-of-center leader had ruled Guatemala. The election was one of the bloodiest in the country』s history: more than fifty local candidates and party activists were murdered, and Colom』s campaign manager was nearly killed by three grenades thrown at his motorcade. Colom defeated Otto Pérez Molina, a conservative former general who had once overseen military intelligence. In the eighties, he had taught at the School of the Kaibiles, which produced an élite force of commandos whose training included slaughtering animals and drinking their blood, and whose motto was 「A Kaibil is a killing machine.」

　　2007年，代表社會民主黨同盟的科羅姆登上了總統寶座，這是五十年來首次由左中翼領導人統治瓜地馬拉。選舉也是該國歷史上最血腥的一頁：超過50位本地候選人和黨派活動家遇害，而科羅姆的競選主管也差點被扔進他車隊的三枚手榴彈炸死。科羅姆在選舉中擊敗了奧托·佩雷斯·莫利納（Otto Pérez Molina），這是一位保守派的前任將軍，曾主管軍方情報部門。1980年代，莫利納任教Kaibil學校【譯註：Kaibil是瓜地馬拉軍方的一種特殊作戰部隊，擅長叢林作戰和戡亂行動】，負責培養精銳的突擊部隊，他們的訓練項目包括屠宰動物並喝它們的血，其口號是「一名Kaibil就是一台殺人機器。」

Colom declared that the country must not return to a 「past of darkness,」 and he vowed to end the violence and the corruption. Yet, even if he was well intentioned, he was too weak to control the parallel state. A former U.N. official recalled asking Colom why he had given a ministry post to someone who was widely known to be corrupt. Colom replied, 「He was not my choice.」 Since Colom took power, two of his interior ministers have been indicted for corruption (a third died in a mysterious helicopter crash), and four consecutive heads of the national police have been dismissed, indicted, or jailed for alleged malfeasance. At the same time, Colom has been subject to a campaña negra—「black campaign」—conducted by many in the conservative oligarchy and in the political opposition. One day, President Colom and the First Lady discovered that the palace and their offices had been infiltrated with spy cameras.

　　科羅姆宣稱，瓜地馬拉決不能重返「昔日的黑暗」，他發誓要終結暴力與腐敗。然而，儘管他懷有良好願望，但由於實力太弱，他無法駕馭「另一個并行的國度」。據一位前聯合國官員回憶，他曾問科羅姆為什麼將部長職位授予一個眾所周知的腐敗者。科羅姆答道，「他並非我的選擇。」自科羅姆上台以來，兩位內政部長被起訴貪污（第三名則死於一次神秘的直升機失事），而國家警察部隊連續四任司令因涉嫌瀆職，或遭解職，或被起訴，或陷囹圄。與此同時，科羅姆已處於「黑色運動」的控制之下，指揮該運動的多是保守派寡頭與政治反對派。一天，科羅姆總統與第一夫人發現，國宮和他們的辦公室已被滲入，都安上了間諜相機。

Earlier that Monday, Rosenberg』s funeral had been held, at the same cemetery where Marjorie was buried. Colom was in a meeting when he was interrupted by Gustavo Alejos, his private secretary. Alejos had received a call from a friend alerting him that something surreal had just happened at the funeral—something with implications for the entire government. Alejos called his cousin, a government minister who had been one of Rosenberg』s closest friends. The cousin, who had attended the ceremony, reported that Eduardo Rosenberg had given a eulogy and played a recording of 「El Salvador Blues,」 by Santana. Then Luis Mendizábal had stood up and addressed the hundreds of mourners: 「Everybody here loved Rodrigo Rosenberg, and all of you are wondering why someone like Rodrigo, who couldn』t hurt anyone, was killed.」 He paused, then said, 「Well, Rodrigo left me with the answer.」 He explained that Rosenberg had given him a video, with instructions to release it only if he was murdered. Mendizábal offered a CD to anyone who was interested.

　　周一早些時候，舉行了羅森博格的葬禮，就在馬約莉下葬的同一塊墓地。科羅姆正在開會，這時他的私人秘書古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯進來打斷了會議。阿萊霍斯剛接到一位好友的電話，通知他說葬禮上發生了件離奇的事情，一件將整個政府牽連其中的事情。阿萊霍斯致電他的表親，身為政府部長，這位表親也是羅森博格的密友之一。該表親出席了葬禮儀式，他彙報說，愛德華多·羅森博格致了悼詞，並播放了桑塔納的唱片《薩爾瓦多布魯斯》。然後，蒙迪扎巴爾起立向數百名悼念者發表講話：「這兒的每個人都深愛著羅德里戈·羅森博格，你們都想知道，為什麼像羅德里戈這樣手無寸鐵的人竟遭殺害。」他頓了頓，繼續說道，「是的，羅德里戈留給了我答案。」他解釋說，羅森博格給過他一段錄像，只有在其被害時才予以公布。蒙迪扎巴爾發給每位感興趣者一張CD。

Mendizábal, who says he looked at the video only after Rosenberg』s death, knew that his actions would unleash 「big trouble,」 as he put it. But the previous day, as rain fell, he had visited the site where Rosenberg was shot. 「I started thinking, What am I going to do? Keep silent?」 Mendizábal recalled. While praying, he had seen on the ground a discarded metal plate inscribed with the word 「ON.」 「I realized then what I was supposed to do,」 he said.

　　蒙迪扎巴爾說他只是在羅森博格死後才看了這段錄像，用他的話說，他清楚自己的行為將打開「潘多拉的盒子」。但前一天，他冒雨查看了羅森博格遇害的地點。「我開始思考。我該做些什麼？緘口不言么？」蒙迪扎巴爾回憶道。祈禱之時，他發現丟棄在地上的一塊金屬片刻著「ON」[譯註：ON在此處暗示是要揭開秘密]的字眼。「我明白下一步該怎麼做了，」他說。

Alejos』s cousin had taken one of Mendizábal』s CDs, and Alejos told him to come straight to the President』s office. By then, members of Colom』s inner circle had heard about the video, and they, too, rushed to the President』s office. Vice-President José Rafael Espada, who was a former cardiothoracic surgeon, also joined them. The cousin arrived, and the group gathered around Colom』s computer to watch the video.

　　阿萊霍斯的表親也拿了一張蒙迪扎巴爾的CD，阿萊霍斯要他直接趕來總統辦公室。此時，科羅姆政府的核心成員都聽說了這段錄像，他們也匆匆趕往總統辦公室。副總統何塞·拉斐爾·埃斯帕達（José Rafael Espada）以前是一名胸外科醫生，同樣趕過來了。那位表親一到，這群人就圍攏在科羅姆的電腦前，一起觀看這段錄像。

Suddenly, Rodrigo Rosenberg was staring at them, sitting alone, with a microphone, in front of a spare table. He was dressed in a navy-blue suit, a starched white shirt, and a pale-blue tie—the kind of muted, formal ensemble that he had worn ever since his father had deserted the family, leaving him the head of the household. On his wedding finger was the ring that Marjorie had ordered for him.

　　突然，羅德里戈·羅森博格直視著他們，他獨坐著，手拿麥克風，身後是一張空檯子。他穿著天藍色套裝，筆挺的白襯衫，外加一條淡藍色領帶，自從他父親拋棄家庭，他成為一家之主以後，就經常穿著這樣的一套淡色正裝。在他的婚禮手指上戴著的正是馬約莉為他訂購的戒指。

「Good afternoon,」 Rosenberg said. 「My name is Rodrigo Rosenberg Marzano and, alas, if you are hearing or seeing this message it means that I』ve been murdered by President Álvaro Colom, with the help of Gustavo Alejos.」 Rosenberg went on, 「The reason I』m dead, and you』re therefore watching this message, is only and exclusively because during my final moments I was the lawyer to Mr. Khalil Musa and his daughter Marjorie Musa, who, in cowardly fashion, were assassinated by President Álvaro Colom, with the consent of his wife, Sandra de Colom, and with the help of . . . Gustavo Alejos.」

　　「下午好，」羅森博格說道。「我的名字是羅德里戈·羅森博格·馬扎諾，哎呀！如果你聽到或看到此條消息，那表示我已經被謀殺了，是科羅姆總統在古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯協助下乾的。」羅森博格繼續說，「我死了，而你能看到這條消息絕無僅有的原因便是：在我生命的最後階段，我是卡里爾·穆薩及其女兒馬約莉·穆薩的律師，而科羅姆總統在他妻子桑德拉·科羅姆的授意下，在古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯的協助下以卑劣的手段暗殺了他們。」

Rosenberg said that he had 「direct knowledge」 of a conspiracy. He alleged that the President, the First Lady, members of the Colom Administration, and their business cronies were using Banrural to embezzle and launder money. (In a document summarizing his charges, which he had given to Mendizábal along with the recording, Rosenberg wrote, 「Musa did not suspect that illegal, million-dollar business transactions were taking place daily in Banrural. These transactions range from money laundering to the channelling of public funds to nonexistent programs belonging to the President』s wife, Sandra de Colom, as well as the funding of shell companies used by drug traffickers.」) Because Musa would not have tolerated such corruption, Rosenberg said, he became a threat when he was nominated to Banrural』s board. At that point, Rosenberg said, the President, the First Lady, Alejos, and others conspired to kill him.

　　羅森博格說，他掌握了這場陰謀的「直接證據」。他宣稱，總統、第一夫人、科羅姆政府成員及他們的生意夥伴利用農村銀行侵吞公款並洗錢。（他將一份總結其指控的文檔與錄像一同交給了蒙迪扎巴爾，在這份文檔中，羅森博格寫道，「穆薩並未懷疑每天在農村銀行發生的上百萬美元的非法業務往來。這些交易囊括了從洗錢到轉移公共基金至總統夫人名下子虛烏有的計劃等，還為毒梟使用的空殼公司提供資金。」）由於穆薩不會容忍此類腐敗，羅森博格說，因而被提名為農村銀行董事的他便成了一大威脅。於是，羅森博格說，總統、第一夫人、阿萊霍斯及其他人共謀要置之於死地。

Initially, Rosenberg spoke slowly and stiffly, but then his hands began to rise and fall, along with his eyebrows, the power of his voice growing—a voice from the grave. 「I don』t have a hero complex,」 he said. 「I don』t have any desire to die. I have four divine children, the best brother life could have given me, marvellous friends.」 He continued, 「The last thing I wanted was to deliver this message. . . . But I hope my death helps get the country started down a new path.」 He urged Vice-President Espada—whom he described as 「not a thief or an assassin」—to assume the Presidency and insure that the guilty parties wound up in jail. 「This is not about seeking revenge, which only makes us like them,」 Rosenberg said. 「It is about justice.」 He predicted that the Guatemalan government would try to cover up the truth, by smearing the Musas and inventing plots. 「But the only reality that counts is this: if you saw and heard this message, it is because I was killed by Álvaro Colom and Sandra de Colom, with the help of Gustavo Alejos.」 He concluded, 「Guatemalans, the time has come. Please—it is time. Good afternoon.」

　　起初，羅森博格話語緩慢，略顯僵硬，不過隨即他的手就開始一起一落，眉也一蹙一揚，聲音的力度加強了——這是來自墳墓的聲音。「我沒有英雄情結，」他說。「我不想死。老天賜我四個小孩，給了我最好的兄弟情誼，還有了不起的朋友們。」他接著說，「我想做的最後一件事情便是傳遞這條消息……但我希望我的死能幫助這個國家獲得新生。」他力勸副總統埃斯帕達——他將其形容為「既非國蠹，亦非兇手」——擔任總統並確保將這個罪惡團伙繩之以法。「這不是什麼圖謀報復，那隻會讓我跟他們一樣，」羅森博格說。「這關乎司法公正。」他預計瓜地馬拉政府會試圖通過誹謗穆薩父女和捏造故事情節來掩蓋真相。「但唯一可以相信的事實是：如果你看到或聽到這一消息，即是古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯幫助阿爾瓦羅·科羅姆和桑德拉·科羅姆殺害了我。」他總結道，「瓜地馬拉的兄弟姐妹們，這一時刻已經到了。拜託——到時候了。午安。」

The video, which lasted about eighteen minutes, appeared to have been made cheaply. A blue sheet had been hung behind Rosenberg, to deflect glare, and there was a dull hum in the background, perhaps from cars on a nearby street. As with a hostage video, the eerie, amateurish quality of the production lent authenticity to Rosenberg』s claim: he had been rubbed out.

　　這段錄像長約18分鐘，看上去是那種廉價製作。一塊藍色薄板掛在羅森博格身後用來偏轉強光，背景里能聽到隱約的嘈雜聲，也許是附近街道上汽車的聲音。類似於人質錄像，陰森恐怖的業餘製作水準讓羅森博格的聲明更具真實感：他是被謀殺了。

When the video ended, President Colom and his staff were unable to speak. One aide later told me that he felt as if they had been transported into another world—a world of movie thrillers. Finally, Colom muttered that his enemies were trying to destroy his Presidency. 「They want us out of here,」 he said.

　　看完這段錄像，科羅姆總統及其幕僚目瞪口呆。總統的一位助手後來告訴我，他感覺自己被傳送到了另一個世界——驚悚片的世界。最後，科羅姆喃喃自語道，他的敵人想要毀了他的總統位子。「他們想將我從這兒趕出去，」他說。

No one in the room asked the President or Alejos if the allegations were true. An official who is close to Colom told me he could not believe that the President had been involved in ordering a murder. But, given the history of Guatemala, the official said, it was possible that others in the Administration had done so: 「You never know.」

　　屋子裡沒人質問總統或阿萊霍斯這些指控是否屬實。一位與科羅姆關係密切的官員告訴我，他不相信總統會是謀殺的幕後主使。但是，慮及瓜地馬拉的歷史，這位官員說，有可能是政府里的其他人做了這樣的事情：「你永遠也無從知曉。」

The room was filled with unacknowledged tensions and questions: Why had Rosenberg called for Vice-President Espada to take the reins of the country? Was Espada involved with Rosenberg, trying to orchestrate a new kind of coup? President Colom told me that the video 「put the Vice-President in a compromising position.」 The palace was at war with itself.

　　房間里充滿了莫名的緊張氣氛和不解疑團：為什麼羅森博格會呼籲副總統埃斯帕達接手統治？莫非埃斯帕達與羅森博格有瓜葛，試圖精心安排一場新的政變？科羅姆總統對我說，這段錄像「讓副總統如坐火山口。」國宮內都硝煙瀰漫了。

According to a member of the government, Alejos acted as if he were 「going to be arrested.」 He called his wife and told her that she and their son had to leave the country. He then offered his resignation to the President, but Colom told him, 「We』ll get through this.」

　　據一名政府成員透露，阿萊霍斯的舉動，好似他「即將被捕」一樣。他打電話給妻子，要她和兒子必須離開這個國家。然後他向總統提交了辭呈，不過科羅姆告訴他，「我們會度過難關。」

The video was almost instantly uploaded to YouTube, and it was broadcast on national television. The Presidential spokesman』s cell phone began ringing: reporters were demanding a response from Colom. 「Honestly, for a few hours, we didn』t know what to say,」 the spokesman told me. The President, Alejos, and the aides frantically tried to come up with a statement. Finally, they hashed out a few words. The President didn』t think that he should deliver them himself—better to maintain a dignified distance. And so two aides went out and stood before a pack of reporters, categorically rejecting the accusations.

　　錄像幾乎瞬間就上傳到了YouTube，並在國家電視台播出。總統發言人的手機開始響個不停：記者要求科羅姆作出回應。「坦白地說，那幾個小時內，我們不知道該說些什麼，」這位發言人對我如是說。總統、阿萊霍斯及助手們絞盡腦汁想要拿出一份聲明來，但討論來討論去，最後只有幾句話。總統不願親自發表聲明，認為保持有尊嚴的距離會更好些。於是，兩位助手站到了一大幫記者面前，斷然否認了所有指控。

The brief statement only fuelled the uproar: Why wasn』t the President himself responding? Why was he in hiding? In a panic, Colom』s chief of staff called Roberto Izurieta, a political consultant in Washington, D.C. Izurieta taught crisis management at George Washington University, but he was better known as the James Carville of Latin America—a strategist who had helped elect Presidents across the region, including Colom. Izurieta based much of his tactical thinking on Sun Tzu』s 「Art of War.」

　　這份簡短聲明只能是火上澆油：為何總統自己不出來回應？為何他還在遮遮掩掩？驚慌之中，科羅姆的秘書長連忙致電羅伯托·伊蘇列塔（Roberto Izurieta），他是華盛頓的一名政治顧問，在喬治華盛頓大學教授危機管理，不過他更為人所知的名頭是「拉丁美洲的詹姆斯·卡維爾（James Carville）」，【譯註：卡維爾是美國前總統柯林頓的競選謀士，為總統當選立下汗馬功勞。】這位謀略家曾為該地區各國總統選舉提供過支持，包括科羅姆在內。伊蘇列塔的戰術思維主要以《孫子兵法》為藍本。

The chief of staff e-mailed Izurieta a link to the video. Izurieta later wrote, in an unpublished report, 「After more than twenty years in politics, I can』t recall anything that made such a powerful impression on me.」 He called back Colom』s chief of staff and said, 「I』m catching the next flight to Guatemala.」

　　秘書長電郵給伊蘇列塔一個錄像鏈接。伊蘇列塔後來在一份未發表的報告里寫道，「我在政壇馳騁二十多年，還從來沒見過讓我如此震撼的事件。」他回電科羅姆的秘書長，「我會坐下一趟航班趕到瓜地馬拉。」

Early the next morning, several reporters discovered Guatemala』s Attorney General—who was supposed to be heading up an impartial investigation into Rosenberg』s assassination—slipping out of a meeting with Colom. A former Presidential candidate said on the radio, 「What justice is there going to be if the Attorney General meets together in the private office of the President?」

　　第二天一早，一些記者發現，瓜地馬拉的檢察長（他本應牽頭對羅森博格暗殺事件進行公正調查）與科羅姆一同悄悄溜出了會場。一位前總統候選人在廣播里疾呼，「若是檢察長與總統在私人辦公室里密會，那還有什麼公正可言？」

Meanwhile, the Rosenberg video was entering the public consciousness, multiplying and regenerating like a spirochete. Within days, hundreds of thousands of people had watched it online—so many that servers crashed. A political analyst remarked that Rosenberg』s testimony was being translated into more languages than the works of Guatemala』s most famous poets and novelists. The video, known by the simple tag YouTube Murder, created what one of the country』s largest newspapers called 「the greatest political crisis」 in the history of Guatemalan democracy.

　　與此同時，羅森博格的錄像進入了公眾視野，並像螺旋體一般繁殖傳播。幾天之內，數十萬人在線觀看了它，流量之大，弄得伺服器都癱了。一位政治分析家評論，羅森博格的證詞被翻譯成的語言種數，甚至超過了瓜地馬拉最著名詩人和小說家的作品。這段錄像以「YouTube謀殺」的簡單標籤而走紅，瓜地馬拉最大報紙之一稱其製造了該國民主史上「最重大的政治危機」。

By Tuesday morning, protesters were streaming into Guatemala City』s Central Plaza, dressed in white, a symbol of political purity, and screaming outside the National Palace, 「Asesino! Asesino!」

　　周二上午，抗議人群彙集到了瓜地馬拉城的中心廣場，他們身著白衣，這代表政治的純潔，他們在國宮外放聲吶喊，「兇手！兇手！」

Izurieta, the consultant, arrived at the airport that afternoon and headed to the palace. As he approached, he could see the swarm of white-clad protesters in the plaza—the tsunami blanco, as the press dubbed it. Izurieta told his driver to stop the car, and got out. 「I wanted to feel the protests, to see the people』s faces, to get the sense of the intensity,」 he recalled. He knew that there was a moment when a political crisis became unmanageable; at that point, he, too, would be merely a spectator to history.

　　是日下午，顧問伊蘇列塔抵達機場，直趨國宮而去。他快到時，看到廣場上雲集著白衣抗議者，用媒體的話說，就是一片白色的海洋。伊蘇列塔要司機停車，他下了車。「我想接觸下這些抗議者，看看他們的臉，體味一番激蕩的情感，」他回憶道。他知道，有時候政治危機會變得無法控制；到那時，他也只能淪為歷史的看客。

In the palace, Izurieta set up a war room in the President』s office. Sun Tzu warns that, to prevail, one has to 「know thy self,」 and if Izurieta was going to help the President he had to learn all the palace secrets. Late in the day, he found Colom secluded in a room with Guatemala』s Archbishop, murmuring words that Izurieta could not make out, as if he were in confession. No one dared to disturb the President, but Izurieta finally had to interrupt: Colom was scheduled to give a live interview on CNN.

　　國宮內，伊蘇列塔在總統辦公室里特辟了一個作戰室。孫子告誡道，要戰而勝之，就要「知己」，如果伊蘇列塔要幫助總統，那他必須知道所有宮內的秘密。當天稍晚，他發現科羅姆與瓜地馬拉大主教蟄居一室，咕噥著些伊蘇列塔不知所以的話，好像他是在告解。沒人敢去驚擾總統，但伊蘇列塔最後不得不出面打斷，因為科羅姆預定了要接受CNN的直播採訪。

Colom spoke by satellite from the old executive office in the palace. He wore a blue suit and tie, and sat in a large wooden chair, staring directly into the camera—a pose that, to Izurieta』s dismay, mirrored Rosenberg delivering his posthumous J』accuse. The President claimed that the video was part of a 「plot to destabilize the government.」 Blinking nervously, he looked pale and scared. An aide conceded to me, 「Everyone thought he was lying.」 Not long afterward, the director of El Periódico wrote, 「I can』t help but express the repugnance I felt during the declarations of President Álvaro Colom. . . . The only thing missing now is for the President and his henchmen to say that it was Rodrigo himself who immolated himself, kamikaze style, in order to discredit the government and that he himself paid the assassins to murder him.」

　　科羅姆在國宮的行政辦公室通過衛星講話。他身著藍色套裝，系一根藍色領帶，坐在大大的木椅上，直盯著攝像機——這姿勢讓伊蘇列塔驚愕不已，這不活脫脫是羅森博格發表死後控訴的翻版么。總統稱這段錄像是「顛覆政府陰謀」的一部分。他局促地眨著眼睛，臉容蒼白，面露懼色。一位助手向我坦承，「人人都以為他在撒謊。」其後不久，《El Periódico》主管寫道，「科羅姆總統發表聲明時，我抑制不住自己的厭惡之情……總統及其親信現在唯一沒挑明的是：羅德里戈系自我犧牲，像日本神風特攻隊一樣發起了自殺性攻擊，目的是向政府潑污水，是他自己買兇殺死了自己。」

The President』s chief political rival, the former general Otto Pérez Molina, demanded that Colom step down. But the President insisted that he would forsake his position only if 「they kill me.」 In an interview on Al Jazeera, Colom warned Guatemalans to 「be careful of crossing the line,」 and added, 「Accusing a President of murder publicly could be sedition.」

　　總統的主要政治對手、前任將軍莫利納要求科羅姆下台。但總統堅持說，除非「他們殺了我」，否則他不會放棄這個位置。在卡達半島電視台的採訪中，科羅姆警告瓜地馬拉人「小心別越界，」又補充說，「公開指控總統謀殺就是煽動叛亂。」

A young Guatemalan, furious with the government, sent out a message on Twitter that said, 「The first concrete action should be to take cash out of Banrural and bankrupt the bank of the corrupt.」 Soon afterward, authorities, fearing a run on the bank, stormed his apartment and detained him. Twitter provided a stream of data from a new democratic class of informants and orejas, creating a narrative of unpunctuated fragments from sources known and unknown, verified and unverified. There was chatter that Mendizábal feared for his life, and that the Musas』 house had been broken into.

　　一名瓜地馬拉青年對政府大發雷霆，在Twitter上發出的一條消息里他這麼寫道，「頭件事情應該是將存在農村銀行的現金取出來，讓這家腐敗的銀行破產。」沒多久，當局擔心銀行遭擠兌，突襲了他的住處並將其拘留。Twitter提供了一系列來自新的民主派線人和「耳朵」的信息，這些已知與未知、已證實與未證實的片段串起來，就是一篇不加標點的故事。有人說蒙迪扎巴爾害怕會送命，有人說穆薩家曾被破門而入。

Each day, the demonstrations grew, mobilized by messages on Facebook and Twitter. The place where Rosenberg was killed became a shrine, with a large wooden cross and signs reading 「You didn』t die in vain!」 Protesters erected a movie screen and broadcast Rosenberg』s final testimony, so that his body and voice floated over the crowd. The video looped over and over, in an eternal present tense. A columnist said that Rosenberg had become 「the voice of millions of Guatemalans.」

　　示威活動與日俱增，大家都被Facebook和Twitter上的消息鼓動起來了。羅森博格被害的地方成了聖地，一個大大的木十字架豎在那兒，上書「你不會白白死去！」抗議者立起一塊電影屏，用來播放羅森博格的最後證詞，這樣他的音容笑貌就在人群上空浮現。錄像反覆播個不停，這是永久的現在時。一位專欄作家說，羅森博格已然變身「數百萬瓜地馬拉人的代言者。」

In the war room, Izurieta told President Colom, 「We don』t have much time.」 Aides bused in Colom supporters to the Central Plaza and filmed them, distributing the footage to television stations. (It was 「pure propaganda,」 the spokesman said.) But Colom wasn』t just losing a media battle; the government was on the verge of collapse.

　　在作戰室，伊蘇列塔對科羅姆總統說，「我們時間所剩不多。」助手們將科羅姆的支持者用公車拉到中心廣場，並對他們進行了拍攝，然後把這些膠片分發給電視台。（發言人表示，這是「純宣傳活動。」）但科羅姆不僅在媒體戰爭中敗下陣來；政府也搖搖欲墜。

The U.S. Ambassador, Stephen McFarland, paid an urgent visit to the palace. During the Cold War, America had frequently supported Guatemala』s brutal security apparatus. In the nineteen-fifties, the C.I.A. had contemplated an assassination campaign against left-wing Guatemalan targets and disseminated a treatise on the art of political murder: 「The subject may be stunned or drugged and then placed in the car, but this is only reliable when the car can be run off a high cliff or into deep water without observation.」 In 1999, President Bill Clinton, speaking of such policies, said that the U.S. 「must not repeat that mistake.」

　　美國大使斯蒂芬·麥克法蘭德（Stephen McFarland）緊急造訪國宮。冷戰期間，美國屢屢支援瓜地馬拉殘暴的安全機構。1950年代，CIA曾對瓜地馬拉左翼目標策劃一場暗殺活動，還拋出了有關政治謀殺術的論述：「將目標打昏或麻醉，然後放到汽車裡，不過，只有讓汽車跌落高崖或墜入深水且無人發現，才是可靠的方法。」1999年，柯林頓總統談及此類手段，稱美國「一定不會再犯那種錯誤。」

McFarland stressed to President Colom that there was only one way out of the crisis: to turn over the investigation of the Rosenberg case to a U.N.-backed organization called the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, or CICIG. Created in the fall of 2007, CICIG is a pathbreaking political experiment. Unlike many truth commissions or human-rights bodies, it does not investigate war crimes of the past, or merely monitor abuses. Rather, it aggressively fights against systemic violence and corruption, acting like blasts of radiation on a cancerous organism. Composed of several dozen judges, prosecutors, and law-enforcement officers from around the world, CICIG works within Guatemala』s legal system to prosecute members of organized crime and dismantle clandestine networks embedded in the state. Rosenberg』s brother, Eduardo Rodas, told the press that CICIG was 「our only hope for achieving justice.」

　　麥克法蘭德為科羅姆總統點出了眼下擺脫危機的唯一途徑：將羅森博格案子的調查權轉交聯合國支持的組織——瓜地馬拉的「國際打擊有罪不罰委員會」（簡稱CICIG）。該組織成立於2007年秋，是一次開拓性的政治試驗。與許多真相委員會或人權團體不一樣，它並不調查過去的戰爭罪行，也不是僅僅監督司法濫用，而是與系統性暴力和腐敗作積極的鬥爭，其行為如同是對癌症組織施以放射療法。CICIG由來自全世界的幾十位法官、檢察官和執法官組成，在瓜地馬拉的法律框架內工作，可以起訴犯罪組織成員，並拆毀隱藏政府內部的秘密網路。羅森博格的兄弟愛德華多·羅達斯（Eduardo Rodas）對媒體表示，CICIG是「我們獲得公正的唯一希望。」

On May 12th, two days after Rosenberg was murdered, President Colom agreed to refer the case to CICIG. Not only did the fate of the Rosenberg case and the Colom Presidency depend on this international team of investigators, which was led by a former Spanish prosecutor and judge named Carlos Castresana; so did the fate of Guatemala』s democracy. As The Economist put it, 「Whether or not Mr. Rosenberg』s killers are brought to justice will show whether or not Guatemala is indeed a failed state.」

　　5月12日，羅森博格被殺兩天之後，科羅姆總統同意將案件提交CICIG。該組織負責人是在西班牙曾擔任檢察官和法官的卡洛斯·卡斯特雷薩納（Carlos Castresana）。不僅羅森博格案子的結果和科羅姆的總統位置有賴於這個國際調查小組；瓜地馬拉民主制度的命運亦是如此。正如《經濟學人》所指出的，「殺害羅森博格的兇手能否繩之以法，將顯示瓜地馬拉究竟是不是個失敗的國家。」

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